Once the convoy was stopped, five masked assailants immediately shot and killed three policemen and the driver and took Schleyer hostage. One of the group Sieglinde Hofmann produced her weapon from a pram she was pushing down the road. A letter was then received by the federal government, demanding the release of eleven detainees, including those in Stammheim. A crisis committee was formed in Bonn , headed by Chancellor Helmut Schmidt , which, instead of acceding, resolved to employ delaying tactics to give the police time to discover Schleyer's location.
At the same time, a total communication ban was imposed on the prison inmates, who were now allowed visits only from government officials and the prison chaplain. The crisis dragged on for more than a month, while the Bundeskriminalamt carried out its biggest investigation to date. The leader introduced himself to the passengers as "Captain Mahmud" who would be later identified as Zohair Youssef Akache. The Bonn crisis team again decided not to give in. His body was dumped on the runway. All four hijackers were shot; three of them died on the spot. None of the passengers were seriously hurt and Wischnewski was able to phone Schmidt and tell the Bonn crisis team that the operation had been a success.
Half an hour later, German radio broadcast the news of the rescue, which the Stammheim inmates could hear on their radios. During the course of the night, Baader was found dead from a gunshot to the back of his head, and Ensslin was found hanged in her cell; Raspe died in the hospital the next day from a gunshot wound to the head. The next day, on 19 October, Schleyer's kidnappers announced that he had been "executed" and pinpointed his location. After 43 days we have ended Hanns-Martin Schleyer's pitiful and corrupt existence His death is meaningless to our pain and our rage The struggle has only begun.
Freedom through armed, anti-imperialist struggle. The official inquiry concluded that the group made a collective decision to commit suicide on a predetermined night. However, the autopsy and police reports contained several contradictory statements. It has been questioned how Baader and Raspe managed to obtain a gun in the high-security prison wing specially constructed for the first generation RAF members.
Independent investigations showed that the inmates' lawyers were able to smuggle in weapons and equipment despite the high security, something that the lawyers themselves denied, arguing that every meeting with their clients was observed by jailers. She claims that it was actually an extrajudicial killing, orchestrated by the German government, in response to Red Army Faction demands that the prisoners be released. Finally, the international commission that had been formed to investigate Ulrike Meinhof's death, and hadn't been dissolved at the time, noticed that on both nights 8—9 May ; the night Meinhof had allegedly committed suicide, and 17—18 October , an auxiliary was in charge of surveillance rather than the usual guard.
The authorities claimed they were unaware of this until 4 November The dissolution of the Soviet Union in late December was a serious blow to Leninist groups, but well into the s attacks were still being committed under the name RAF. On 30 November , Deutsche Bank chairman Alfred Herrhausen was killed with a highly complex bomb when his car triggered a photo sensor in Bad Homburg.
On 1 April , Detlev Karsten Rohwedder , leader of the government Treuhand organization responsible for the privatization of the East German state economy, was shot and killed. After German reunification in , it was confirmed that the RAF had received financial and logistic support from the Stasi , the security and intelligence organization of East Germany , which had given several members shelter and new identities. This was already generally suspected at the time. Brigitte Mohnhaupt , Peter Boock, Rolf Wagner, and Sieglinde Hoffmann spent most of the year in SB facilities in Mazury district, where they were also going through series of trainings programs along with others from Arab countries.
To weaken the organization further the government declared that some RAF inmates would be released if the RAF refrained from violent attacks in the future. Subsequently, the RAF announced their intention to "de-escalate" and refrain from significant activity. The last action taken by the RAF took place in with a bombing of a newly built prison in Weiterstadt by overcoming the officers on duty and planting explosives.
Although no one was seriously injured, this operation caused property damage amounting to million Deutschmarks over 50 million euros. The last big action against the RAF took place on 27 June While it was initially concluded that Grams committed suicide, others claimed his death was in revenge for Newrzella's.
On 20 April , an eight-page typewritten letter in German was faxed to the Reuters news agency, signed "RAF" with the machine-gun red star, declaring the group dissolved:. Today we end this project. The urban guerrilla in the shape of the RAF is now history. Mai , entstand in einer Befreiungsaktion die RAF. Heute beenden wir dieses Projekt. On 7 May , pardon was denied; regular [d] parole was later granted on 24 November Police in Europe investigating the whereabouts of Ernst-Volker Staub, Burkhard Garweg and Daniela Klette stated that a search has been made in Spain, France and Italy  after initial reports suggested that they could be hiding in the Netherlands in after being suspected for masterminding robberies in supermarkets and cash transit vehicles in Wolfsburg and Cremilngen between and The usual translation into English is the Red Army Faction ; however, the founders wanted it not to reflect a splinter group but rather an embryonic militant unit that was embedded, in or part of, a wider communist workers' movement, [e] i.
The name refers to all incarnations of the organization: the "first generation" RAF, which consisted of Baader, Ensslin, Meinhof, and others; the "second generation" RAF; and the "third generation" RAF, which existed in the s and 90s. The group never used these names to refer to itself, since it viewed itself as a co-founded group consisting of numerous members and not a group with two figureheads. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
For other uses, see Baader-Meinhof disambiguation. Many commentators doubt the authenticity of this quote. This section needs additional citations for verification. This section relies largely or entirely on a single source. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page.
Please help improve this article by introducing citations to additional sources. December Main article: German Autumn. See also: Ulrike Meinhof. The neutrality of this section is disputed.
Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met. April Learn how and when to remove this template message. See also: Members of the Red Army Faction. Joined the RAF in , For example, the 12 July "Theses on the Structure of Communist Parties , submitted to the Third Congress of the Comintern" states that "to carry out daily party work every member should as a rule belong to a small working group, a committee, a commission, a fraction, or a cell.
The Spectator. Retrieved 16 May Defense Technical Information Center. Retrieved 27 June Terrorism, A Very Short Introduction. Retrieved 11 February Grey Room , Winter , pp. Vanity Fair. Retrieved 25 February German History in Documents and Images. German Historical Institute. Retrieved 9 April Marighella summary on influence — retrieved 31 August ; Christopher C. Projectiles for the people. PM Press. Ulrike Meinhof: Die Biography.
Jane Kersplebedeb Publishing and PM Press. Retrieved 2 May Tucker, Jonathan B. Cambridge, Mass. In Pilch, Richard F. Encyclopedia of Bioterrorism Defense. So macht Kommunismus Spass. Dziennik Polski. Retrieved 12 March BBC News. Retrieved 23 April Zeitgeschichte in Hessen in German. Landesgeschichtliches Informationssystem Hessen.
Red Army Faction - Wikipedia
Retrieved 26 March Jones, and Ziad Haider eds. One Point Safe. New York: Doubleday. Archived from the original on 3 December Archived from the original on 5 December The New York Times. Retrieved 15 March Retrieved 12 September Members of the Red Army Faction. Cold War. Arms race Nuclear arms race Space Race. Category Commons Timeline List of conflicts. Categories : Red Army Faction. Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history.
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East Germany until West German Embassy siege , German Autumn. The four militants escaped with , Deutschmarks. Frankfurt am Main. Bloomquist killed, 13 wounded. Augsburg and Munich. Claimed by the Tommy Weissbecker Commando. His wife Gerta was driving the car and was wounded. Claimed by the Manfred Grashof commando.
Ihr wurde die Menschenrechtlerin abgenommen. Das Interesse meiner Mutter war geweckt. Sie wollte wissen, wer die Personen waren, die den Schritt von der Theorie zur Praxis als erste getan hatten. Wie viele der linken Intellektuellen in dieser Zeit idealisierte sie kriminelle Taten. Die eigene Arbeit, das Denken und Schreiben, wertete sie gering.
Lachend umarmten sie einander und warfen mit Bonbonpapier. Noch gab es keinen tieferen Grund, niedergeschlagen zu sein. Die Studentenrevolte flaute Anfang ab. Politik stand im Mittelpunkt ihres Lebens. Meine Schwester und ich waren jetzt sieben Jahre alt. Leider nur innerlich. Die Gesichter, vor allem das meiner Mutter, immer ernster. Sie standen auf der Fahndungsliste der Polizei. Er rekrutierte diese Truppe aus seiner Klientel. Auch uns Kinder betraf dieses konspirative Ereignis.
Hans benahm sich bald, als sei er der Hausherr. Andreas Baader floh vor der neugierigen Kinderschar ins Badezimmer und bekam dort einen Wutanfall. Es war etwas geschehen. Sie wurde zur Mitwisserin und Komplizin. Meiner Mutter imponierte an Baader, dem Typ in der schwarzen Lederjacke, der schnelle Autos fuhr und sich mit jedem anlegte, der ihm in die Quere kam, das Direkte, Aggressive, das ihr fehlte. Die Eigenschaften des einen entsprachen den ersehnten Eigenschaften des anderen. Weil er zu schnell gefahren war, wurde die Polizei auf ihn aufmerksam.
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Es gab ein Ziel. Am Doch dann ging alles sehr schnell. Baader und meine Mutter als erste. Dies war die erste Niederlage der sich neu formierenden Truppe. Ein Mensch war brutal angeschossen worden. Ausgerechnet der einzige Mann in einer Befreiungstruppe, die sonst nur aus Frauen bestand, hatte die Nerven verloren und geschossen. So aber tat sie etwas, was niemandem mehr helfen konnte. Er erfuhr, wo wir waren, und reiste nach Bremen, um uns abzuholen.
Aber mein Vater hatte recht: Meine Mutter - verschwunden im Untergrund - bot nicht mehr die Voraussetzung, zwei kleine Kinder aufzuziehen. Morgens um sechs Uhr wurden wir geweckt. Wir wurden nach Berlin gebracht und trafen uns am Zoo mit Monika Berberich, Marianne Herzog - zwei Freundinnen meiner Mutter - und einer Hanna, die wir bis dahin nicht kannten. Von dort fuhren wir weiter.
Im Auto herrschte Hochstimmung. Die Frauen hatten nicht direkt daran teilgenommen, kannten aber jede Einzelheit. Regine und ich lagen unter einer Decke versteckt hinten im Auto. Hier sollten wir in Zukunft leben. Fensterscheiben gab es keine. Marianne und Monika fuhren noch am selben Tag wieder ab. Wo war denn eigentlich unsere Mutter? Warum waren wir hierher gekommen? Warum waren Monika und Marianne gleich wieder abgefahren? Meine Schwester Regine stand genauso verloren neben mir. Der Krieg zweier Welten hatte begonnen. Sie entwickelte eine ethische Rechtfertigungsstrategie, die es "erlaubte", Menschenleben in Gefahr zu bringen.
Das kann Ensslin nicht gefallen haben. Sie war doch die Freundin von Baader, sie hatte zusammen mit ihm als Traumpaar a la Bonnie und Clyde alles angefangen. Vieles, was gesagt oder gemacht wurde, wurde von ihnen geplant und diskutiert. Am Ende entschied er, was zu tun war. Die Gruppe, nach der seit der Baader-Befreiung intensiv gefahndet wurde, begann sich neu zu formieren. Doch soweit kam es nicht. Sie haben sehr viel Vertrauen in ihre Eltern. Wir warteten. Before arriving there, however, some preliminary and contextualizing remarks are necessary.
Gramsci, in an attempt to account for the integration of the traditional Marxist revolutionary subject the working class within pre-war Western industrialized societies, deemed this integration as maintained by means of consent, that the ruling classes manage to elicit from the subordinate ones as they assume their intellectual and moral leadership, rather than by means of coercive domination. Subcultures were therefore a problem for British Cultural Studies, but also a kind of symptom, an effect.
The focus on class both caused that problem, and seemed to help explain it. Von Dirke shifts the attention from the class-rooting of sub- and counter-cultures towards their distinct positioning relative to—and, coextensively, their distinct mode and extent of challenging—the dominant, hegemonic culture. The framework she offers is very useful for conceptualizing the formal structure of opposition, in which counter-cultures manifest themselves, and on the basis of which they lend themselves to a qualitatively different analysis from that, which is usually conducted with regard to subcultures: Countercultures position themselves explicitly and fundamentally against their dominant counterpart and try to develop an alternative way of life.
They challenge the hegemonic culture with a holistic approach, negating all of its values and traditions and struggling for radical and comprehensive change. Dirke 4 Following this distinction, von Dirke understands the student movement of the s and other subsequent oppositional movements as counter-cultures, rather than subcultures ibid: 5 , a measure of radicalness being aptly reflected in the employment of the former category Giles One has to take proper account of the significance of the framework of comprehensive and radical opposition, which conditions her understanding of counter-cultures.
Whether one subsumes terrorism under the same category as other radical counter- cultures, or places it separately, becomes then an issue pertinent to the implications of the specific mode of radicalness in which terrorism manifests itself, compared to other counter- cultures and relative to the dominant one. This insight of the ambivalent position and catalytic function of terrorism with regard to other counter-cultures and to the dominant sociopolitical paradigm lays the foundation for the conceptualization of terrorism as a distinct counter-culture: one, whose peculiarity—predicated on its radicalness—accelerates the dynamics of tension between culture and counter-culture, yet towards a regressive rigidification.
It provides a space for counter-identifications, into the vacuum of which alternative cultural models are drawn, and processed against which they retain little more than the very form of opposition. Further to that, the questioning of the particular counter-cultural character of terrorism can be plausibly reformulated as a questioning of its particular radicalness and the particular state of tension it incites in the broader cultural space which surrounds it.
In light of this significant distinction, the implications of which will be examined in the subsequent section 3. Counter- culture is thus the active critique or transformation of the existing social, scientific or aesthetic paradigm. Seen from a present-to-future orientation, one might argue that terrorism is preparatory for a state-yet-to-come, and therein lies the self-perception of the terrorist organization as the vanguard of revolution and its thereafter.
The need, therefore, remains for a synchronic framework, which allows for the examination of the structural bond between culture and counter-culture. Lotman et al. In order to understand, then, the particularity of terrorism as a cultural phenomenon of conflict, among other such phenomena, one has to figure the formal particularity of the structure of opposition, on which both sides anchor their self-perception as cultures and perception of the other as the opposite , and to the materialization of which they proceed, in the form of physical conflict.
Lepik Departing from such a premise of rigid—in effect precarious—alignment between these orders, the counter- cultures in question are inclined to suspect or pursue the potential alteration of an established designation, as interfering with the equilibrium of an established network of signifiers, hence reflecting an unacceptable or desirable restructuration of its corresponding network of meanings.
The whole gesture is thus deemed to be derivative of an irreconcilably incompatible culture, whereas from the point of view of the latter culture, the same gesture might be serving a corrective purpose of equal magnitude—as the parallel, parenthetical counter-formulations show. In the latter case, culture is opposed not to chaos entropy but to a system preceded by a negative sign. This can happen as complementary operation relative to the previous one, with the purpose of strict demarcation of opposite identities, so that the sole usage of an expression suffices to identify the position of its user.
Placing the mirror experience as intermediary between utopias and heterotopias, Foucault joins together the mirror structure and its function with regard to identity re constitution: The mirror is a utopia after all, since it is a placeless place. The mirror functions as a heterotopia in the sense that it makes this place I occupy at the moment I look at myself in the glass both utterly real, connected with the entire space surrounding it, and utterly unreal —since, to be perceived, it is obliged to go by way of that virtual point which is over there.
Therefore, antithesis is not merely a rhetorical trick, the emotional reaction of an individual, a logical operation or a manifestation of subconscious aggression. The principle of unification serves a totalizing function both ways: it totalizes both the excluded from and the included in culture, homogenizing the otherwise necessary cultural and semiotic heterogeneity see Lotman ff. Lotman has described the mechanics of such self- description as follows: The stage of self-description is a necessary response to the threat of too much diversity within the semiosphere: the system might lose its unity and definition, and disintegrate.
Whether we have in mind language, politics or culture, the mechanism is the same: one part of the semiosphere as a rule one which is part of its nuclear structure in the process of self-description creates its own grammar […] Then it strives to extend these norms over the whole semiosphere. On the other hand, this is a proper frame for describing a phenomenon of such radical opposition, without recourse to explicit or implicit unidirectional condemnation or apology, while this model itself accounts for the grounds on which both attitudes are cultivated.
Never attack the system in terms of relations of force. That is the revolutionary imagination the system itself forces upon you—the system which survives only by constantly drawing those attacking it into fighting on the ground of reality, which is always its own. But shift the struggle into the symbolic sphere, where the rule is that of challenge, reversion and outbidding. Due to the complexity of the case, and the abundance of relevant materials, there will be a short selection of textual documentation from the period preceding the manifestation of RAF-terrorism but directly pertinent to it and extending until the end of its first circle until , as well as a restriction of the scope of investigation on a level of crucial significance: the level of terminology and vocabulary directly pertinent to the basis on which Lotman and Uspensky formulated the model in question.
Sections 4. Proceeding from there, sections 4. Mausbach The acknowledged continuity between her journalistic and essayistic project, and her subsequent engagement in RAF-terrorism see Teraoka ; Colvin 6 , makes these writings all the more worthy of examination. A series of incidents triggered the development of a polemic language, which progressively condensed and congealed around specific expressions. In this book, Norden disclosed the Nazi past of ca.
These and other hotly-debated incidents of the domestic political life of post-war West Germany, drawn into the maelstrom of international Cold War polarization, and vigilant against oppositional movements and dissident voices, engendered an impression of the state—among the more radical left factions—not merely different from or critical towards, but rather completely reverse relative to its self-representation. In view of the incompetence to provide answers for the just inadequately uncovered Nazi-past and the present of the Vietnam War, which was being experienced as shocking, a crisis of credibility had arisen in the Federal Republic.
Kraushaar a: 25, transl. Meinhof, cited and transl. The linguistic warfare was aggravated by the press coverage of the Springer Verlag ibid , while an accusation originating from the very academic sphere came to underscore the developing polarization. Prinz Habermas, cited and transl. Already at that point, one encounters a pattern of unification and identification through counter-identification, which acquires high relevance for the subsequent course of things in West Germany.
It is an accepted truism, that language and designations serve a principal role in the construction and maintenance of collective identities. In the post-Nazi context, Terror was reversely gekehrt used against the exterminated regime, condemning the practices of its mammoth institutions of surveillance and persecution, finding application on the level of theory for any equivalent practices espoused by totalitarian regimes, fascist and communist alike ibid. Already burdened with a weighty history of negative connotations, the terrorism- terminology underwent extensive cultivation in the contemporary context of the confrontation between the APO movement and the West German authorities.
Fight against the terror of the rent [Mietterror]! Among the members of the BR was Hans-Magnus Enzensberger, known theorist of the German New Left, while Meinhof was not mentioned among the contributors of this article, although bestirring herself at that time in West Berlin see Colvin 36, The significance of this article, the content of which has been acknowledged as continuous with the subsequent ideology of the RAF see ibid , lies in its explicit challenging of the established prohibition of violent opposition, toward the revolutionary legitimation of violence. While the former had been embraced by the APO, and materialized in instances such as the attacks against the Springer premises, the majority of the APO rejected the latter ibid: At the same time, however, the rigidness of the boundary between these kinds of violence, and the difficulty of maintaining it in actual circumstances of violent escalation had in effect been put to the test.
On the one hand, acts such as throwing Molotov cocktails during protests that ended in street battles with the police, had favored among opponents of the APO and non-participants the idea of readiness for violence against persons Musolff The contributors of the article under examination proceeded thus to the reformulation of the question 81 Original title: Gewalt. Musolff In other words, the question of whether violence should extend beyond objects, was reformulated as a question of what this violence stood for and whose interests it served.
The pattern of alterity that was encountered above in the Terror accusation , is found again here. The same logic reflected on the opposite side of the APO, where the use of excessive police violence was predicated as defense against the violence of a minority. The materialization of an ideal of anti-imperialist militancy, and the self-positioning of RAF in what was perceived as one of the multiple fronts of global imperialist advance and capitalist domination, resonated an understanding of an expanded space—as well as a novel type—of war.
The arsonists explained in court that their action intended to symbolically challenge West German consumerism and draw public attention to the Vietnam War Colvin Behind the parents stand the teachers, the youth authorities, and the police. Behind the supervisor stands the boss, the personnel office, the workers compensation board, the welfare office, and the police.
Behind the custodian stands the manager, the landlord, the bailiff, the eviction notice, and the police. Obviously, they reach for their service revolvers, their teargas, their grenades, and their semi-automatic weapons; obviously, they escalate, if nothing else does the trick. Obviously, the GIs in Vietnam are trained in counterguerilla tactics and the Green Berets receive courses on torture.
RAF 25, transl. The physical force exercised by the state apparatuses becomes then just the overt manifestation and culmination of latent, structural violence, and society is contextualized in a state of emergency: the state of war. Alex P. It seems that, from the perspective of RAF, the same claim could apply to practices 89 Translations borrowed from Colvin Holger Meins, for instance, in his last letter through the so- called info-system91 dated 1. See, for example, RAF 42, Full text in ibid: They result from its historical and organic connection to the fascist Nazi-state and the prescriptions of the US-imperialism after , for which the fascist tradition was functional: this means that, with the military victory and the occupation of the West German state, the US-imperialism seized power over the German 93 See above, p.
In this process, language and designations became of utmost significance as means for counter-identifications and rigid demarcation of opposite sides, deploying opposite—yet mutually projective—vocabulary, and reductively polarizing their intermediate space. Musolff , and non-anarchist organization see above, p. This surplus was thus channeled in the deployment of non-legal and not legally specified terminology for the 98 The phrase is cited by Musolff from an issue of the German newspaper Rheinische Post, dated For an account of the incident see Aust In the post- war era, antecedent to the Radikalenerlass had suggested the Adenauer-Erlass see above, p.
In a letter from Ensslin, dated 4. It is a projection. Projected on urban guerilla it is false. In Hamburg and Cologne train stations the bombs exploded in the first case four people were injured , whereas in Nuremberg the bomb was discovered and defused see Smith, Moncourt They laugh at such words. They are proud that they murder, rob, and blackmail […] They have trashed the value of two thousand years of culture […] What kind of grimace of freedom stares at us? It is the freedom of malice, the freedom of destruction […] They are not only the enemies of democracy—they are the enemies of every human order.
This enemy is naked barbarism. These lost young people not only threaten democratic freedom. They are the enemies of every civilization. First cf. In the background of this mis-understading are misleading ideologies of a Marxist-revolutionary, in short: leftist kind. The aptness of the selected model is shown in the analysis in section 4 of language, and particularly designations, used during the terrorism-debate.
The crystallization of the model is shown further to have been effected through the specular activation of this principle, under the prioritization of counter-terrorist policies by the state. Unterrichtsbausteine zu den Themen Gewalt und Terrorismus; transl. A comprehensive, historical understanding of RAF-terrorism needs to be accompanied by a semiotic methodology, and specifically a cultural semiotic framework that departs from normativity on the meta-level, while accounting for it on the object-level.
Nevitt The Authoritarian Personality. Aust, Stefan Der Baader-Meinhof-Komplex. Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe. The Baader-Meinhof Complex. Bell, Anthea, transl. London: The Bodley Head. Badiou, Alain Barker, Jason, transl. London, New York: Verso.
Analysen zum Terrorismus, Band 3: Gruppenprozesse. Bundesministerium des Innern, Hg. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Bakker Schut, Pieter H. Kiel: Neuer Malik Verlag. Barthes, Roland Lavers, Annette, transl. New York: The Noonday Press. Baudrillard, Jean The Spirit of Terrorism and Other Essays. Turner, Chris, transl. Bauer, Karin In German History 31 1 : Becker, Jillian New York: Lippincott. Berendse, Gerrit-Jan In: Giles, Steve; Oergel, Maike eds. Bern: Peter Lang, Will Ulrike Gnade oder freies Geleit? Bourdieu, Pierre Rethinking the state: Genesis and structure of the bureaucratic field.
In: Steinmetz, George ed. Bronner, Stefan; Schott, Hans-Joachim Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, Das Staatsbild der RAF. Staatsansichten - Staatsvisionen: Ein politik- und kulturwissenschaftlicher Querschnitt. Colvin, Sarah Rochester, NY: Camden House. Conard, Robert C. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. Crenshaw, Martha The Causes of Terrorism. In Comparative Politics 13 4 : Dadoun, Roger Demes, Uta Dirke, Sabine von Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Ditfurth, Jutta Eco, Umberto Does counter-culture exist? In: Eco, Umberto.
Apocalypse Postponed. Lumley, Robert, ed; Condie, Jenny, transl. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, Elter, Andreas Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp. Analysen zum Terrorismus, Band 1: Ideologien und Strategien. Foucault, Michel Different spaces. Hurley, Robert, transl. In: Foucault, Michel. Aesthetics, Method, and Epistemology. Essential Works of Foucault Volume Two.