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We found this book important for the readers who want to know more about our old treasure so we brought it back to the shelves. Hope you will like it and give your comments and suggestions. Lang: - por, Pages , Print on Demand. Language: por. In a letter hsa nr. As this source was discussed in Baxter a , we will merely underline certain details which are significant to the present paper. For a full transcription of the letter and some introductory remarks, see Sousa And, in any case, it does not constitute a language—In Macau something entirely different happens: the Macanese speak corrupted Portuguese, but that is their language.
They have no other. Invariant verbs generally derived from 3s present indicative Portuguese forms: e. Whereas, for many items on the list, the potential for local contact L2 derivation must be recognized, the possibility of CP input cannot be ignored. Indeed, the example mim sua in item i , which consists of an oblique personal pronoun mim plus a genitive marker sua , resembles one of the 1s genitives common to earlier Southeast Asian CP. Some 15 years after Schuchardt, Leite de Vasconcelos also exchanged letters with informants familiar with Portuguese Timor, regarding the linguistic landscape of the colony.
One such correspondent was Rafael das Dores, who wrote a Tetun-Portuguese dictionary and, encouraged by Leite de Vasconcelos, began publishing it in the journal of the Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa in In his short stay in Timor, and without leaving Lahane, he did not have the time to study practically everything that he addresses in his book, which seems to be collated from previous writings.
It is plausible that, familiar with Macau Creole, Dores simply assumed that any similar variety was either Macau Creole or a derivation of it, thereby failing to identify the specifically Timorese creole for which we have evidence in the form of bcp and the data provided by other coeval sources see 2. While his letters to Leite de Vasconcelos do not contain any linguistic samples for our study, they do add complexity to the linguistic ecology of turn-of-the-century Timor.
1, Fãs Verdadeiros
Specifically, his comments underline the importance of the Macanese community in Timor at the time; and they also suggest that, among a particular section of the colonial community, Portuguese exerted a strong influence, to the point of replacing the creole within traditional Macanese families. However, we now know that he had reported on this variety much earlier and, contrary to Rafael das Dores, stressed the presence of a creole in Timor.
Flores de Coral Castro, is essentially a book of poems, but it also contains a glossary with many facts about the East especially the areas which had contact with the Portuguese. This song is transcribed in his book. Its particular significance is that it points to the mobility of creole elements within the network of Portuguese outposts in Asia. Variants of this song, referring to a green bird usually a parrot are widespread in Luso-Asian communities Jackson, Just who introduced it to Timor is impossible to say, but the song does belong to Asian CP culture.
Early Notices Regarding Creole Portuguese in Former Portuguese Timor
Linguistically, the song is quite a mixture. We find some Tetun items, such as lamuca Tet. Some structures are closely modeled on Portuguese, e. Whether the absence of definite articles on the noun phrases is significant is impossible to say, yet it was noticed earlier, in the letter from Casal Ribeiro, that this absence was considered typical of Dili Portuguese spoken by locals, and that Tetun has no dedicated articles.
Biog. e Livros/Bio & Books
Teria V Ex a recebido o meu livro Flores de Coral? Foi um dos primeiros exemplares que remetti. It was one of the first copies I dispatched. In it, you will find a section about the Timorese languages, and about a creole dialect which, I believe, no one had found before, the Portuguese of Bidau. In another letter ejlv nr. Here, two items merit comment as they are typical of Asian CP s at large. In addition, Castro also records two isolated sentences 28 and 29 , the last of which may have been heard in court in connection with his judicial functions:.
These short texts contain further items that establish a connection with Asian CP s. The first concerns negation of the verb podi by a short negator num , in 25 , reminiscent of the reduced negator required with podi in Malaca, Tugu and Macau, as noted by Baxter, a : 19 , but also found in the South Asian CP varieties. The second item is the presence in 25 of the negator nunca in a tag interrogative, a feature common to MalCP Baxter, : As in a wide set of Asian CP s, the verb is invariable and derived from the Portuguese 3s present tense form e.
While zero-marked verbs in past contexts occur in Malacca Baxter, : — , Tugu Maurer, : 60—61 and Macau Ferraz, : , they have only been noted in progressive aspect contexts in Tugu CP Maurer, : However, in Tetun Williams-van Klinken et al. Finally, variation is evident. With respect to the latter, note that the form bos of the pronoun, registered in the bcp materials from the mat Baxter a : 11 , does not occur.
So, while these forms resemble possessive pronouns as in 24 , in these short texts they do not seem to be so. The observed variation and absences may reflect ongoing contact with Metropolitan Portuguese. The role of Portuguese in colonial Timor could have motivated the type of variation one finds in these texts and the development of different idiolects and registers.
Yet, at least in the case of the plural markers, this is perhaps a hypercorrection, since Castro clarifies that the intended reference was singular. In this section, we address these two types of evidence. Summarizing their opinions, these five correspondents express three points of view: i There was a creole spoken by locals, according to Vaquinhas and Castro, the latter referring to the language as crioulo de Bidau ;.
There was no local creole, but MacCP was present and exerted an influence on local speech, according to Dores. This suggests that the contact situation in late 19 th -c. Dili involved a range of L2 Portuguese and what some authors identified as creole languages. Some observers appear to have proceeded by comparison with better-known creole languages spoken elsewhere. MacCP was an important reference but, although Gomes Ferreira, Dores and Vaquinhas at least were well-acquainted with it, they reached different conclusions regarding the existence of a Timorese creole. Boxer refers to the establishment of a Portuguese fort on the island of Solor, adjacent to Flores, and the growth of a community of native Christians, Portuguese missionaries, soldiers, sailors, and sandalwood traders from Malacca and Macau, and their local descendants.
The initial base for the founding of this community was Malacca.
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In these establishments, Portuguese, CP and L2 contact Portuguese must have been current, alongside Malay and other local languages. The influx of refugees from the Dutch conquest of Makassar introduced further elements from a Portuguese community with a similar racial and linguistic composition, and most certainly re introduced a CP ultimately originating in Malacca.
Conflicts with the Larantuqueiros led to the removal of the Portuguese administrative base first to Lifau, in , and subsequently to Dili, in Boxer, Currently, some boys from Larantuka are studying with the Portuguese missionaries in the school at Lahane Dili ; they never lose the interest to learn Portuguese, which they forget as years go by and thus begin to speak broken Portuguese or creole Portuguese.
This report is important because it points to a little-documented connection between Larantuka and Portuguese Timor as late as the 19 th century. While the link to Larantuka constitutes an important part of the earlier background to contact Portuguese in Dili, the Macau connection amply referred to in our sources is also significant, as the sandalwood trade mostly exported to Macau and, after the Dutch conquests of Malacca and Makassar , Macau became the nearest official Portuguese administrative centre. In fact, in one of his publications, Rafael das Dores 20 observes that Bidau, aside from housing the majority of the militiamen of the former Bidau battalion, was also home to most Chinese shop-owners.
We assume they would have had knowledge of L2 Portuguese and, quite possibly, some knowledge of MacCP. For their part, the Macanese were of various sources, including convicts, traders and, principally, minor government officials and military personnel Dores, 2; Thomaz, : The nine books of ancient history of the Middle East, Persia, and Greece, written by Herodotus around BC was completed only a few days ago, and a single soloist read all 36 hours of it! Equally long 38 hours even , equally daunting, and packed into a single volume is Middlemarch.
It is a study of provincial life in the Midlands of the s, with a hint of social commentary, masterfully written by George Eliot. Eliot apparently had a liking for long tomes, since she translated David F.
This book about the historical person Jesus clocks in at 58 hours and cost the original author his job. Much more than that was at stake for Edmond Dantes in the famous novel by Alexandre Dumas. It took him years to become Le Comte de Monte-Cristo , and it takes more than 51 hours to tell the story. Another life story in two parts is that of the scholar Faust.
No mere childs play is the story of The Virginians , two brothers who end up at different sides of the American War for Independence. In some 40 hours, William M. Thackeray explores what can happen if you fall for the wrong woman.