AJZ activists tearing up a parking lot The first drug room in the AJZ Heroin dealers, piss off! Fixer room in Hamburg, I therefore take great pleasure in thanking all the individuals who helped in the production of this study. I would first like to thank Armin Kuhn who provided criticism and advice when they were most needed. I am happy that his dissertation on squatting in Berlin and Barcelona became something like a twin project to my own research. I could give no notion by references alone what his work and our discussions have contributed to this dissertation.
I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee for their support. Bill French, Tamara Myers and first and foremost my dissertation adviser Eagle Glassheim helped me with their expertise and encouragement to shape, and ultimately finish, this project. I profited greatly from suggestions by many colleagues. I want to express my gratitude to the helpful staff at various archives, especially at Papertiger Archiv und Bibliothek Berlin and Archiv der Sozialen Bewegung Hamburg. Without their idealistic and voluntary efforts this dissertation could not have come to life.
Financial support was provided by the University of British Columbia, the province of British Columbia and the remnants of the German welfare state. Acknowledging the intellectual and financial assistance by people and institutions is simple. It is much more complex to acknowledge the emotional support that was at least as important for the successful completion of this dissertation, especially when emotional and intellectual help went vii hand in hand.
I had the great luck to meet some truly incredible people who I am glad to count as my friends. I am indebted to the Werkstatt's prima inter pares, Inge Marszolek, for her encouragement and for reminding me at the right time that all the interesting things that did not find their way into the dissertation could be used in future projects. David Meola and Laura Madokoro polished my written words. If this thesis does not read like the Monty Python version of a German academic paper, it is due to their generous efforts.
My room mates and friends supported me emotionally not to forget the food and beverages throughout these past years. I am thankful to my family for shelves of books, their financial support and for their encouragement of critical thinking. All these people have contributed to this work and for that, I owe them my gratitude. All the errors and mistakes that remain are, of course, entirely my own. Considering you will then Threaten us with cannons and with guns, We've now decided to fear A bad life more than death.
Introduction Yet it is necessary to notice that the space which today appears to form the horizon of our concerns, our theory, our systems, is not an innovation; space itself has a history in Western experience, and it is not possible to disregard the fatal intersection of time with space. For instance, I used to get real rattled about this, like — how people are defining themselves through their job, you know.
I was always, like: you need that badly, you know. I don't need this.
I am me, right? And I don't need to have some PhD degree or whatever to be something, you know. Prologue During the s and especially around the year urban space in Western European cities changed significantly. In the aftermath of the world economic crisis of whole regions were suffering from de-industrialization and high unemployment rates. Cities that had been centres of industrial production turned into neglected and impoverished places of a past era. Social and political conflicts turned cities into battlefields, with clashes between young protesters and the police of hitherto unknown militancy.
Whether in Zurich, Amsterdam, Bristol or Berlin, cities became sites of unrest to a degree that had not been witnessed during the previous decade. Ick bin ick, verstehste. Some of these new, threatening spaces were seemingly connected with a youth gone awry. Reports on youth deviance filled the media in Western European countries and startled the general public. Youth, urban space and questions of crisis, normalcy, and rebellion had apparently come to be strongly connected with each other. The topic of this dissertation is it to trace the historic developments that established urban space as a field to understand and govern social crises in general and deviant and rebellious youth in particular in the early s.
And yet one might need to start this story in a completely different way. As a troubled teenager I once ran away from home to escape the boredom of a small provincial town in north-west Germany. Although the main task in going away was to find myself, I thought it would be a good idea to also have a geographical goal to keep me going. Heading East, I wound up in the city of Berlin. As it was my first time in the big city, I had to rely almost completely on the imaginary landscape that stories, movies, and media reports had formed in my mind over the years.
This landscape differed significantly from that of an adult tourist. Two places were of much greater importance and invested with much stronger feelings. It was the meeting place of youth who had run from their homes and were now hanging out at this train station—or so I thought. Here, useful information might be gathered that could help to survive in this big city. But, and I remember vividly how certain I was about this fact, you needed to move on as quickly as possible.
For the Bahnhof Zoo was also the meeting place of the heroin scene and it was clear to me that I would end up a heroin addict if I stayed too long a week? The other place that I knew of was the district of Kreuzberg. Here, the squatters' scene had basically turned a whole neighbourhood into an anarchist utopia. Every May Day they seemed to successfully defend it against the police in violent street battles which I could witness on TV.
A song about a squatted house at Bethanienplatz had been played at parties even where I grew up, so if there was a place for youth who were fed up with everything that their parents and teachers stood for and that this society seemed to hold on offer—it had to be in Kreuzberg. Needless to say that reality was sobering in both cases: no youth at the train station and no street signs showing the way to squatted houses in what seemed to be an ordinary city district.
But the questions that drive me today are: how did some places take up such a 3 meaning for youth who did not want to conform with the norms and values of the adult world? Why was I, like many others, driven to these places with such a mixture of hope and anxiety? What had turned these urban spaces into possible objects of identification? Many years later I ended up living in Kreuzberg.
In the morning, when I leave my house —squatted in , legalized, now in the hands of a self-organized cooperative—and head over to my office-space—in a building squatted in , legalized in —I pass by the spaces of this history. I cross Kottbusser Tor with its monumental high-rise buildings, a symbol for the inhumanity of modernist city planning. As gentrification changes Kreuzberg rapidly, rents are rising and new protest emerges. Some months ago, the tenants of these buildings, most of them of Turkish origin, started organizing weekly demonstrations and events and squatted the space in front of their building by pitching a large tent there.
Only a few steps across the road some of the local heroin addicts are gathering every day, now and then dispersed by a police patrol. They have made the area around Kotti, as the area is called affectionately, their preferred meeting place. In the neighbouring kiosk people can buy souvenirs from Kotti d'Azur, featuring an anchor and a syringe. There is no reason to take the subway to Bahnhof Zoo from here. Although only a few stops away, the formerly run-down area around the train station has changed significantly during the last two decades.
As other train stations, it has been turned from a site of transit into a shopping area. Although studies show that this does not reduce crime in any significant way, after each new criminal incident in public space the presented solution will inevitably feature an intensified surveillance and control of these spaces.
I wonder: are those cameras used to make delinquency visible—or is their purpose to render unwanted people and modes of behaviour invisible by keeping them away from these sites? How did those events around shape the city of today? Why do we perceive certain spaces as different from their surroundings? How come we identify heroin use with the architectural ensemble around a large crossroads, social protest with a neighbourhood —and ourselves with this space Kotti d'Azur? And why is it possible to present the control of space as a reasonable means against crime and delinquency even though virtually all studies indicate the contrary?
All the aforementioned aspects have influenced this research project. Partly it is concerned with the role that urban space had as part of the social and economic crisis of the s. Yet this study is also concerned with the role of these spaces for youth themselves or, in a change of perspective, the role of youth in the creation of these spaces.
For here will lie the answer to the question of how non-conforming youth came to identify with specific urban areas. Thesis and research approaches I will argue in this dissertation that between the late s and early s a spatialization of the social took place that established urban space as a prime object of governmental policies. I will further argue that the transformation of social problems into questions of spatial order was mirrored in a growing reference to space as a site of liberation on behalf of non- conforming youth.
In order to prove this thesis I will turn to meeting places of the heroin scene and the spaces of the political youth and squatters' movement between the mids and mids. One geographical focus is on West Germany, especially on the city of West Berlin. The highest death rate among heroin consumers in Europe and maybe the world and the record number of over squatted houses in confirm these perceptions.
Der Tag im Überblick
The study of other West-German cities although to a much lesser degree than in the case of Berlin will complement the picture; this concerns mainly the cities of Frankfurt and Hamburg. Zurich also had one of the largest visible heroin scenes and it was the city that adopted the harshest repressive strategy against visible heroin scenes in Europe. And it was here that youth activists first developed and implemented the idea of a safe-injection site for drug users.
The study employs a double perspective: it traces the spaces of youth deviance as an object of governmental technologies and seeks to deconstruct the underlying assumptions about normalcy, deviance, youth, and urban space. At the same time, I am interested in the practices and imaginations of youth who were seeking to evade or rebel against the hegemonic order through specific urban spaces.
To grasp the perspective of both governmental institutions and non-conforming youth I will combine an analysis of their discursive and spatial practices. Three groups of sources, produced by different social actors, could inform such a task: archival records of governmental institutions, including welfare institutions and the police; media reports and other products of popular media culture; and statements by heroin consuming and politically active youth. The main methodological problem lies with the disparity of these sources. Both archival records and media reports were almost exclusively informed by experts such as police, criminologists, politicians, and medicinal or psychiatric personnel.
The voice of youth is largely absent from these sources. A similar disparity as that between experts and youth can be found in self-representations of youth: while squatters produced a mass of flyers, magazines, posters, videos, photographs, and books, heroin users left very few traces at all. Instead, media reports were used to reconstruct both the local tactics of governance that is primarily the tactics of police and the hegemonic discursive imaginations about heroin and squatters' scene.
Especially the weekly news-magazine Der Spiegel, at that time arguably the key medium throughout German-speaking Europe, was used to grasp the most important discursive formations. The analysis of governmental technologies and hegemonic discourse was then contrasted with self- representations and internal debates of the youth and squatters' movement. Here, a variety of sources came under scrutiny, from flyers to testimonials and from internal discussion papers to photographs of houses and demonstrations.
Due to the disparity of sources, the spaces of the heroin scene will be analysed mainly as an object of outside perceptions and governmental policies. This focus reflects the lack of sources but does not deny heroin users' agency—without their decision to join the heroin scene and to practically demand a place in the city, the spaces of the heroin scene would not have come into existence. By closer examining the popularity of stories about the heroin scene among teenagers, though, it is possible to deduce the importance of such spaces for youth, even if the voices of actual heroin users have largely been silenced.
As the political and press discourse on the squatters' movement have been thoroughly analyzed, this study focuses on the squatters' own practices and imaginations. Again, this does not imply that these spaces were entirely created by youth, independent of other actors or discursive formations, but it reflects an analytical lens through which to look at these spaces.
Wherever possible, these dichotomies— governmental strategies vs. Young people are coming together in scenes that are connected by their shared interest in drug use or political activism. No formal memberships exist and it is not necessary to qualify individually for an informal membership; to belong to a larger group that is part of a scene—a circle of friends, inhabitants of a squatted house—can be sufficient. Scenes are, second, constituted through social and cultural practices. These include tastes in certain consumer articles and styles, consumption practices e.
Finally, scenes depend on and are actively creating public and semi-public spaces. Public meeting places, bars, nightclubs, neighbourhoods etc. The knowledge about the whereabouts of these spaces often serves as a marker for an individual's affiliation with a scene. Their high class and professional position, the constant availability and purity of the drug—contrary to common perceptions pure heroin has almost no cell-damaging effects—enabled this circle to lead a socially conform life without outer signs of their addiction.
Even after World War II, when many former soldiers had to be considered to be addicted to morphines, this caused only minor insecurities, the more so as this phenomenon came to an end once former army stocks had been consumed and no new supplies were available on the black market. Since the mids the consumption of beer and other alcohol had risen constantly. It was accompanied by an open rejection of the norms and values of their parents' and grandparents' generation such as their work ethics. Drug consumption was henceforth mainly understood as a youth phenomenon. The criminalization of heroin use, for instance, can thus be understood as an ongoing, repetitive process rather than a fixed condition.
Stephens, Germans on Drugs. The Complications of Modernization in Hamburg Ann Arbor: University of 11 But as the consumption of these new drugs was prohibited, no space could be created to legitimize and regulate it. As a consequence, public spaces were used for purposes other than intended; new spaces of drug consumption emerged. The situation came to a head with the emergence of visible scenes of heroin users in the early s.
Despite the abundance of these meeting places only a few became symbolic for this new form of delinquency. In West Germany these included the area around Frankfurt's central train station and the Bahnhof Zoo in Berlin, while internationally the scenes at Amsterdam's Zeedijk and, since the mids, Zurich's Platzspitz park became symbolic sites of heroin use.
As such they were also visible signs of the international dimensions of trade and consumption as well as of the culture of heroin that was connected with this scene. And yet these new spaces of youth delinquency did not signify a return to a status quo ante in which certain neglected areas of the city could serve as a container for this and other forms of crime and, in a more encompassing sense, of deviant behaviour of youth.
Not only were drug users transgressing the boundaries between an orderly urban centre and negligible proletarian neighbourhoods by meeting at inner-city spaces such as parks, train stations or other public places. The perception of the city itself had changed as well. German cities, severely damaged in World War II, had been an urban planner's dream come true. Here an opportunity had arisen to implement the utopian visions of modernist city planning that had been developed since the beginning of the century. These visions were characterized by a functional division of city space into residential, commercial, and industrial areas, all connected by large traffic axes.
In contrast to the overcrowded and chaotic pre-war cities, these rational urban environments should also allow for a modernization of society Michigan Press, , 46ff. More often than not, though, these utopian dreams of rationality and the ability to design a perfect city and with it a perfect society turned out to be dystopian nightmares.
Whole quarters had to make way for large infrastructural projects which turned formerly lively areas into inhumane environments of concrete and exhaust fumes. The connection between a crisis of modernist urban restructuring and youth seemed to be confirmed with the emergence of a new radical youth movement that made the city the stage of its protest and the object of its critique. Based on isolated campaigns for autonomous youth centres, tenants' struggles and regional protests against large infrastructural projects during the s, a new movement—the squatters—emerged in various European cities in Starting 21 James C.
Scott, Seeing Like a State. Dietz Nachfolger, , esp. Since the early s Maoist K-Gruppen—a term subsuming a number of small Kommunistische parties—attracted tens of thousands of young people in search for a political home. Yet due to their dogged in-fighting over the right general policy, the incomprehensible turns within this policy often influenced by turns in Chinese foreign policy and their disinterest in current political struggles, e. Publications on the protest movements in Zurich and Berlin are discussed in the respective chapters. Despite its formative effect on a whole generation of political activists, historians have ignored the history of the K- Gruppen for a long time.
Only recently autobiographies and studies on single organizations have been published. Yet not all activists were content with such a retreat into an alternative milieu or, after the founding of the Green Party in , with parliamentary politics. The concept of autonomy promised to combine the personal with a more radical political perspective. Italian activists had emphasized the autonomia of workers' struggles that took place without being initiated and controlled by organizations like parties and trade-unions.
Rather, emancipation was sought after in spaces beyond society. The squatters' movement combined the New Social Movements' focus on the local with the first person politics and militancy of the Autonomen and the experiences that had been gained in the fight for autonomous youth centres. Neither state nor capitalism, neither institutions nor factories lay at the centre of their actions but the attempt to create free spaces for non-conforming youth that would also serve as symbolic and practical interventions into modernist urban policies. From an activist's perspective: Geronimo, Feuer und Flamme.
Zur Geschichte und Gegenwart der Autonomen.
lazaxafy.tk Ebooks and Manuals
Buechler, Social Movements in Advanced Capitalism. By meeting places of young heroin users and the numerous squatted houses had thus become visible signifiers of a city in crisis that was also a city of crises, a socio-geographic space in which various forms of youth deviance were produced, became visible and had to be dealt with. Scholars have shown that in contrast to the underground of the s, in which the consumption of illicit drugs mainly cannabis, LSD, and mescaline and the wish for social change went hand in hand,33 by the early s the underground had split up into a political, a soft drug, and a hard drug scene.
What users had earlier felt as an unconscious suspicion or intuition - that was just a lie - became, when high or tripping, a verity. In Zurich activists understood themselves as a youth movement, demands for more funding for youth culture had been the starting point of militant clashes between youth activists and the police.
Activists' demands for an autonomous youth centre mirrored the perception of a political struggle in terms of that of a whole generation. But squatting and heroin consumption were also perceived as youth phenomena despite a relatively broad age spectrum in both cases. Youth was and is , in other words, a social and discursive construction, based less on biological age than on individual behaviour and its evaluation by those considered adults.
The category of youth conceals differentiating factors like class, gender, educational background etc. Youth appear thus as a risk both for themselves and for society and in need of strict guidance on their way to adulthood. In West Germany in these included the age of majority, i. After the reform of the criminal law in , the age of 35 For the heroin scene see p. In other words, it was not enough to refrain from certain actions until one reached a specified age—not having sexual relationships until the age of 16, for instance—what also mattered were the ways in which one acted once this age had been reached—what kind of relationships one had and with whom.
The discourse on youth delinquency and youth deviance thus became one of the sites where society's basic norms and moral values were renegotiated and codified but also where fears about its future could be articulated and possibly mitigated. Besides youth being the result of adult attributions and object of governmental policies, it was also a means of self-identification. But youth was not the only link between squatters and heroin consumers. Both groups were, second, driven by a fundamental discomfort with hegemonic urban regimes.
The modern city was perceived as a symbol of an encompassing regime of normative values, discipline and control, in which spaces for deviating youth were non-existent. To many youth the city appeared thus as the manifestation of an encompassing normalizing regime. These sentiments were expressed primarily through metaphors of social and architectural coldness.
Likewise, life in both scenes was, third, centred around the search for extraordinary corporeal and emotional experiences in order to oppose the perceived monotony of modern city life. These teenage kicks could be found in individual drug consumption as well as in collective militant actions. On the emergence of the coldness metaphor see Lindner, Jugendprotest, The search for warmth and the search for adventure were thus two sides of the same coin. This may sound paradoxical in the case of addicts whose life was almost completely determined by the need to procure money for the next dose of heroin.
Both scenes were also connected through an ideal of masculinity that was based on toughness, aggressiveness, and the willingness to undertake personal risks. In the case of heroin consumers this could mean to possibility for identification with the peer group. Suche nach Gegenwart. They are always on the move and must be alert, flexible, and resourceful.
This is most obvious in the idea of squatted houses as free spaces, but the creation of public scenes of heroin users also included a spatial component, as did trips to popular meeting places of the international drug underground, like West Berlin, Amsterdam, India, or Afghanistan. Nach Tonbandprotokollen aufgeschrieben von Kai Hermann u. Horst Rieck, 1st ed. On militancy as a means of identification, though without a perspective on gender, see Schwarzmeier, Die Autonomen, 26ff. Westberlin Some squatters were acquainted or even friends with individual heroin users and some were consuming heroin themselves, although further research will be necessary to understand the individual perception of such behaviour.
Whether being a heroin-consuming squatter meant that one was seeing oneself as belonging to either, both, or none of the two scenes, would have to be clarified in each case individually. For although the political and drug underground can be and usually are described as distinctive scenes, for individuals it was not necessarily a contradiction to be part of both scenes or to switch between the two. Comparing heroin and squatters' scene in the early s reveals that the separation of the two was only one possible result of discursive and spatial practices during the early s. Heroin consuming youth had participated in the struggle for the Leiche'.
Aus dem Tagebuch der Fixerin Heidi S. See also Many Terzok [Manfred Trezak], Entzug in Bangkok Berlin: Freitag, for an account of a heroin addict from Berlin about his unsuccessful attempt of withdrawal in a Buddhist monastery in Thailand. Still, in these instances heroin users were squatters and they were constituting one of several sub-groups of the heterogeneous squatters' scene.
In contrast to all previous studies I will therefore treat heroin and squatters' scenes as strongly interrelated and sometimes intersecting phenomena. The separation of drug and political youth scene and its relation to changing governmental technologies can thereby also be described as a process that was not completed by the early s but lasted well into the s. This approach promises new insights into the governance of youth and into the different ways non-conforming youth reacted to these governmental technologies. The crisis of Fordism and the emergence of societies of control By addressing a profound crisis of society, urban space and youth in the late s and early s this study is engaged in two larger current debates in historiography and social sciences.
So far I have described scenes of young squatters and heroin users as aspects of or symbols for a more encompassing crisis in the s and early s, namely that of the city 24 and of a social order that was experienced as cold and constricting. The experience of crisis touched upon many facets of this order—from the organization of industrial production to the rise of consumerism, a social policy grounded in the welfare state and urban restructuring processes according to modernist principles.
Throughout this study I will use the term of a Fordist regime to capture all these different aspects. Fordism in this sense denotes therefore a historical epoch that lasted from the end of the Second World War until the mids. Soon, rationalization and standardization appeared as desirable guiding principles for society in general.
Assisted by experts, it was the role of the state to plan and control the transformation of society. Residential, commercial and industrial areas were to be clearly separated. From the city itself to the design of a kitchen, virtually all aspects of life were being rationalized. But in the early s this hegemonic model came under scrutiny.
These aspects will be discussed in more detail in section 3. Meadows, ed. In view of the exploding costs of social security systems economists like Milton Friedman started to demand their liquidation. To the mentors of the neoliberal project the Fordist state appeared as the contrary of economic freedom, initiative and individual responsibility. Sind wir noch regierbar? Wirtschaftspolitik, Expertise und Gesellschaft in der Bundesrepublik bis Berlin: Akademie, As standardization of urban space and society went hand in hand, with their demand for a non-standardized urban environment squatters also demanded space in a double sense for individualistic life concepts that did not fit into the Fordist model.
During the s and s, the new project of neoliberalism, with its preference of the market over the state and an emphasis on individuality and diverse life-concepts, would eventually become hegemonic. Although continuities did exist—from drug legislation to the student protests of —the break becomes more tangible when we understand Fordism also as a set of normalizing and disciplinary technologies.
Although standardization has been described as a main aspect of the Fordist regime, the term does not fully catch the role of normalization in regard to youth and to urban space that was at stake. As the emergence of heroin and squatters' scenes as spaces for non-conforming, individualistic, deviant, rebellious youth is at the centre of this study, the crisis of Fordism also needs to be described in terms of a crisis of a disciplinary and normalizing regime.
Individual bodies and spaces were constituting each other and formed the base of an ideal social order. It is spaces that provide fixed positions and permit circulation; they carve out individual segments and establish operational links; they mark places and indicate values; they guarantee the 29 The disciplines76 created a mass of individual bodies, bodies that had to be subjected to constant coercion in order to improve them, make them more efficient, to adjust them to hegemonic norms.
Disciplinary techniques were complementing the punishment as a way to ensure this subjection. Both techniques, disciplines and punishment, were thus complementary means to ensure the same goal: the normalization of the individuals. Although in his later works Foucault emphasized the growing importance of security over discipline,78 this does not mean that disciplinary technologies, institutions and spaces had been replaced.
They are mixed spaces: real because they govern the disposition of buildings, rooms, furniture, but also ideal, because they are projected over this arrangement of characterizations, assessments, hierarchies. In the industrialized countries discipline comes into crisis. Lich: Edition AV, , ff. Geschichte, Bestandsaufnahme, Entwicklungstendenzen Weinheim: Beltz, 31 organization of urban space and the emergence of new sites of youth deviance indeed seem to indicate a profound crisis of disciplinary society and the spaces it produced.
And by adopting the lifestyle and values that were predominant in these scenes youth also turned their backs to the factory as a space and an institution that produced disciplined, Fordist subjects. Yet the emergence of new spaces of youth deviance also created new technologies to govern deviant behaviour. Understanding deviance as a matter of public urban space allowed for the policing of large groups of youth rather than or in addition to disciplining them individually. And if that was the case: how did space itself change its character?
What kind of spaces did non-conforming youth and the technologies to control these youth produce? See also Ulrike Meinhof, Bambule. Mareike Teigeler, Unbehagen als Widerstand. The end of the planning euphoria in regard to urban space and social order becomes apparent in the wide-spread uneasiness with urban redevelopment and the initial success of the squatters' movement. But the emergence of this urban space as a site and means to govern youth deviance—and to thereby manage some of the effects of the crisis of Fordism—also points towards another shift, that from disciplinary to control societies.
Youth created spaces in order to evade the normalizing regime that was structuring society and that became manifest in urban space. These spaces were in turn used as an object of new technologies of control that supplemented earlier strategies to discipline non-conforming youth. Conceiving space as an object of historiography For a long time, historians have privileged time over space. While in time there was change, space was conceived as an empty and unchanging container, an empty space that was populated, perceived and used by people.
This notion of space has come under scrutiny in the past two decades and scholars have highlighted the dynamic aspects of space. Especially the work of Henri Lefebvre has informed what might be termed a post-structuralist current in the history of spaces. Donald Nicholson-Smith Oxford: Blackwell, , Bodies are not distributed in space but actively create and shape spaces.
In the context of this study this means that youth did not simply meet at already existing spaces but created spaces by meeting at certain geographical places and that the character of these new spaces was determined by their concrete practices and that of the police. These newly created spaces did in turn structure the social practices of the subjects. Space thus appears as a process rather than as a static order.
Space is also, second, the product of discursive representations. A neighbourhood or any other spatial ensemble is therefore not just perceived in a certain way, but it is discursively brought into existence in the first place: its borders are not determined by geographical-architectural features, its character not exclusively defined by the behaviour of its inhabitants, although both have to be integrated into discursive representations of space.
In the context of spaces of youth deviance the creation of such spaces always went together with the creation of spaces of normalcy. And just as the spaces of normalcy and deviance could not exist without each other, the drawing of borders between the two always created the transgression of this border: the deviant was always threatening to invade the normal—and vice versa. This idea of a limited number of clearly distinguishable spaces that were totally different from their surroundings can be found on the side of police, politicians, and press—to whom these spaces appeared as those of a lawless, chaotic, deviant and threatening Other— but also on the side of youth for whom these spaces were liberated islands that stood in stark contrast to the constricting social order around them.
Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight. Either their role is to create a space of illusion that exposes every real space, all the sites inside of which human life is partitioned, as still more illusory [ Or else, on the contrary, their role is to create a space that is other, another real space, as perfect, as meticulous, as well arranged as ours is messy, ill constructed, and jumbled. In our society, these crisis heterotopias are persistently disappearing, though a few remnants can still be found. For example, the boarding school, in its nineteenth-century form, or military service for young men, have certainly played such a role, as the first manifestations of sexual virility were in fact supposed to take place 'elsewhere' than at home.
Looking at heroin and squatters' scenes as heterotopic spaces at society's margins promises therefore new insights into the fundamental order of this society's centre. Rather, I will use it as a concept to describe contemporary assumptions about these spaces. Heterotopia thereby becomes a way to denote a specific mode of thinking space.
These sites were imagined as totally different, but it is the task of critical historiographical analysis to deconstruct the notion of dichotomous and utterly different spaces itself. Used in such a way, the concept of heterotopia, despite its inconsistencies, can become a powerful tool to understand contemporary attributions to and functions of spaces of squatters and heroin users in the s.
Soja, Thirdspace. See also Soja, Thirdspace, They offer no resolution or consolation, but disrupt and test our customary notions of ourselves. These different spaces, which contest forms of anticipatory utopianism, hold no promise or space of liberation. German Jews and Military Masculinity 52 and were decorated for courageous action.
Their father Hermann Leyens had been a volunteer in the fight against the Spartacists. His grandfather was wounded at Katzbach during the wars of liberation. With such a record of past national service, do we now have to be subjected to public humiliation? Is this how the fatherland today expresses its gratitude, by placing huge pickets in front of our door with the demand not to buy from our house?
We regard this action which goes hand in hand with the dissemination of slanderous accusations all over town, as an attack on our national and civic honor as well as a desecration of the memory of 12, German front soldiers of the Jewish faith who have lost their lives in action. Furthermore, we regard this provocation as an affront against every decent citizen. We do not doubt that, even today, there are citizens in Wesel who have the courage of their convictions, which Bismarck once called for, and exemplify German integrity which, especially now, stands steadfastly by our side.
The Breslau teacher and historian Willy Cohn confessed in his diary on May 1, , one month following the boycott, that going to work was unsettling for him because he did not know if he might not be sent home again. In one of their many contradictory decisions, when the Nazi government decided in to introduce a further military decoration for World War I veterans, German Jewish veterans were not excluded. Nobert Conrads, transl. Even the rabbi of Hannover, Emil Schorsch , deemed it important enough in his memoir to remember the same recognition he received by Hitler in Clearly, German Jewish men constructed a mental map consisting of what they considered as their previously established military honor, national citizenship and gender identity, and the current crisis that threatened to deprive Jewish men of their intersecting identities.
German Jews and Military Masculinity 54 It is striking that this paradigm of similar reactions, though they took place all over the country and included Jewish men of all ages, of different class backgrounds and of different levels of religious observance, occurred spontaneously. There was no planning, no cooperation or coordination among German Jews on April 1. Public displays of military masculinity were not prescribed by an institution like the RjF.
Reactions were typically single acts by individuals, which in their totality, however, constituted a pattern of gendered behavior. Upholding military norms and referring to military achievements rendered German Jewish men and their families — in their own view — as honorable and respected citizens.
While these cases exemplify specific intent with a desired outcome, and some did indeed generate positive results, Jewish men also made assertions of military masculinity — at the time and in retrospect — in more general contexts. Many still thought that as soldiers themselves they knew what it meant to face and endure danger.
Through evoking military virtues such as perseverance, discipline and stoicism, many Jewish men perceived the Third Reich as a storm to be weathered, a temporary predicament — similar to a war — which they would have to endure. War and inflation had passed. Juxtaposing past times when military service was performed and masculine honor and respect were gained to the present time with the military value system disintegrating for Jews, Jewish men and women voiced their disillusionment and incomprehension.
This here is a times more horrible. There it was at worst the field of honor, there I was certain of every assistance were I to be wounded… It is a thousand, a thousand times more horrible than all my fear in But here death threatens me in a more awful form. German Jews and Military Masculinity 56 my fatherland as a volunteer in the war, have endured all, but now I am not allowed to cast my vote.
I cannot understand this! As a man who had served for years in war and peacetime, Herzfeld considered himself an honorable German — a citizen-soldier of the type that had originated in the 19th century — who had fulfilled his duty and who deserved the full rights of any German citizen, including the right to vote. Houses and apartments that were destroyed by shell fire, burning, charred and scattered property, but such a picture of barbaric annihilation, I have never seen. German Jews and Military Masculinity 57 German-Jewish men were products of their times, of the world they had grown up in.
As a way of comprehending the violence they and their families were experiencing, many responded by making reference to military norms, norms that had previously guided their lives, provided orientation, and generated rewards in the forms of reciprocated honor and status in society. This previously established frame of reference was used as a safety net, as a last means, by Jewish men and women to reverse unjust treatment and reinstall the previous status quo that had guaranteed at least some respect and sense of equality. If openly upholding military values no longer helped, then nothing else would.
Juxtaposing the norms from a time when these norms had acquired social and cultural meaning to the current or subsequently remembered time of Nazi dictatorship allowed Jews, and men in particular, to express their protest and indignation. Trying to justify their gendered identities as military men or men who adhered to military norms, Jewish men used diaries and memoirs to express their profound frustration over being ostracized from German society and its commonly shared values, and the vague, implicit hope to re-enter it.
Many sources describe how individual German Jewish men personally reacted to Nazi discrimination by recalling their personal military history, while other memoirs and family accounts describe a family member father, brother, son, husband, in-law or close friend who also was a war veteran.
Typically, such references are made in the context of describing the perceived unjust treatment of these individuals. German Jews and Military Masculinity 58 actual military merits and military identity. The referencing of military service and values was meant to return deserved honor and respect to the individual, a symbolic countermeasure to the attempted emasculation of Jewish men. In his meticulously recorded diary entries, Victor Klemperer, who was an outgoing, well-known intellectual in Dresden, frequently described his personal encounters with others.
Klemperer, who was a veteran but who as an intellectual had not associated with the military, sports, or even political organizations that celebrated military virtues, still habitually described the men he met based on the standards of military accomplishments. He labeled a Jewish physician in Dresden, Dr. Katz, as someone who kept a World War I photo of himself in uniform, on horseback, wearing a monocle and the Iron Cross, First Class in his waiting room.
There we met Bernstein, a scraggy man, in his 50s, corn merchant, ended up as a medical orderly in the war, now male nurse. Her father fell in August Already on the first page of his memoir, Ernst Hausmann b. During World War, I my father had served four years at the front in the trenches around Verdun, France and received the Iron Cross in recognition of his service to his country. It is important for me to begin my memories this way After my father had committed himself to war and Kaiser for many years, as a sign of gratitude he received a kick in the butt Tritt in den Hintern.
Once, his father even got involved in a pub fight in response to some antisemitic jokes. Wolfgang Herzberg Berlin: Aufbau Verlag, , Clearly, the self-identification of Jewish men as war veterans and adherence to a military code of behavior in civilian life was echoed by others including the friends and families of veterans and soldiers.
Various primary sources indicate that military masculinity — as a constituent element of masculinity — was not only performed and demonstrated by men, but also by women. Masculinity studies do not inevitably have to focus on men. Thus, Jewish women, too, used the military as a gendered reference point as a way of defining masculinity. Two of my brothers, Max and Julius Cohn, were killed in frontline combat in and , respectively. My remaining brother, Willy, came back from the field, blinded in a hail of shrapnel… In , I married a disabled soldier with whom I live in a very unhappy union because of his handicap… All were decorated with the Iron Cross for service to the Fatherland.
And now it has come about in our Fatherland that pamphlets are being circulated in the streets, demanding Juden raus. There are public incitements to pogroms and acts of violence against Jews. We are Jews and did our unreserved duty for the Fatherland. Should it not be possible for your Excellency to bring some relief and to remember what the Jews, too, did for the Fatherland? Are these incitements against Jews courage or cowardice when the Jews constitute 1 percent of the 60 million inhabitants in the German state?
German Jews and Military Masculinity 62 internalized, accepted and reproduced by some Jewish women who came to see an honorable man as someone who had succeeded in life. To these women, the men to whom they referred were manlier as they had already proven their manhood in the past. Her actions implied that her husband, the patriotic German, had endured sufficient sacrifices during the war for his country and was therefore entitled to privileged treatment.
Her action further suggested that her husband was more of a man than others who had not participated in the war and who thus should not be among the first to be released. Masculinity was not a monolithic, one-dimensional form of ideal manhood. A plurality of masculinities existed; military masculinity, by definition, differentiated itself from women but it also differed from other types of masculinity, the unsoldierly ones, for instance. In a sense, Stein implicitly validated the Nazi discourse of the Kristallnacht was a pogrom against German Jews throughout Nazi Germany between November 9 and 10, Jewish synagogues and other buildings were put on fire and destroyed; Jewish businesses and private home were broken into with property damages and possessions stolen.
Additionally, more than 30, Jewish men were arrested and put into the concentration camps Dachau, Buchenwald, and Sachsenhausen. German Jews and Military Masculinity 63 effeminate man by the insinuation that the imprisoned Jewish men who had not participated in the war were less manly.
This differentiation among groups of men the military men vs. As military masculinity had become hegemonic in the late 19th century and was even more elevated in the Third Reich, military masculinity was not only produced by the state and its organizations and institutions, but by society as well. The militarization of society was a gender-producing process in which women and men equally participated.
Conclusion The German military was of major importance to many Jewish families and individuals in the Third Reich. Some Jews and half-Jews Mischlinge , as Bryan Rigg has shown, were even able to enter the Wehrmacht in the s and hide their Jewish identities; a few thought it was so honorable to serve in the German army that they blatantly ignored the rampant antisemitism that was apparent in Germany. Jewish men continued to be part of this trend of militarization in society with many coming to accept the Nazi policies of a nationalist foreign policy, the rebuilding of a strong army and the promise of avenging the supposed injustice which happened in Versailles in As war veterans and German nationals, many German For instance, Horst Geitner was born in to a Jewish father and raised Jewish.
To protect himself from possible antisemitic attacks, however, he was baptized in He volunteered for the Luftwaffe and received the Iron Cross, an accomplishment that made him proud. It was an honor to serve. Men and women had come to internalize the military value system and the gender construction of men as military-like men and withdrew tangible benefits from it, such as the prolonged employment of Jewish war veterans. Thus, military masculinity gained performative meaning especially in the first half of the Third Reich, when German Jews still had hopes for a continued existence in Germany and were confident enough to fight for their rights.
Though this cannot be corroborated, two of the sources I studied even claimed that the RjF was, as late as , able to prevent their deportations to Auschwitz and successful intervention for transfers to Theresienstadt instead. German Jews and Military Masculinity 65 cultural deprivations that German Jews faced, incentives to hold on to the understandings of military masculinity declined in frequency and importance. Demonstrations such as the ones on April 1, and subsequent calls for Jewish integration into the new army, for instance, ceased after The lawyer and politician Franz Memelsdorff remembered that following Kristallnacht and his release from the concentration camp, he stopped wearing the Iron Cross medal.
Naturally about their war experiences But it goes without saying that each one of us is attached to the German army of the First World War … with the same degree of passion. Angelika Benz Frankfurt: Fischer, , To stigmatize, ostracize and discriminate against Jews, the National Socialists invested considerable energy in canonizing some of the established textual and figurative variations of antisemitism.
By creating the image of an out-group, the Nazi propagandists used various means to reach their goal. I am grateful to all participants and their feedback. The Question of Race and Sex 67 examines one such antisemitic discourse: Jewish racial defilement and the effects it had on Jewish masculine identity. I will demonstrate that the Nazis misused the Jewish male body and allegedly criminal mind to convince German society of a Jewish sexual-racial threat, while German Jews, on the other hand, internalized and processed such inscriptions with some Jewish men even modifying their social demeanors.
A conspicuous allegation in Nazi propaganda, a recurrent indictment in German courts and an agonizing, personal experience of criminalization that many Jewish men faced, the theme of Jewish racial defilement was one of the most visible motifs in the media and an essential element of antisemitism in the Third Reich. The first section serves as an introduction providing historical context to the 19th-century rise of antisemitic sexualized images of the Jew, emanating from medical science and racial anthropology; the second part examines Nazi imagery of Jewish men and their functions; the third section, analyzes how racial-sexual antisemitism was codified in legal practice in the Third Reich, and the fourth part examines Jewish perceptions, internalizations and negotiations of Rassenschande.
After , former freikorps members 2 Images of female weakness, defenselessness and passivity had obviously originated long before the rise of the Nazi party and were not necessarily tied to antisemitism. Is there a more beautiful generation in the entire world? Look at these young men and boys! What material! It will be the foundation of a new world order. My education system will be hard. The weak must be hammered away. In my castle a generation of young men will grow up who will be the terror of the world. I want forceful young men majestic, awesome, and fearless, able to withstand pain, without weakness or gentleness.
The free wild beast should stare from their eyes. I want my young men to be strong and beautiful. They should have a physical preparation in all sports. I want them to be athletic… This way I have the pure material of nature in front of me. In , one of the most widely read racial anthropologists and later decorated professor, Hans F. The extremities are strong but slender, as are his neck, feet, and hands….
Typical for the Nordic head is the strong back of the skull that reaches far back… The man looks courageous… The skin is white or pink and lets the blood vessels look through … like milk and blood… The hair is straight, in childhood often curly, soft and thin. The color of the hair is blond, often a golden blond, the children mostly white blond… The eyes are blue, blue-grey or grey. They are shining…The Nordic man can best be characterized by his superb willpower, his powers of judgment, his cool realism, his trustfulness on man-to-man basis, his chivalry and justice.
Mangan London: Frank Cass Publishers, , The Question of Race and Sex 69 It was in this context, the constructed idealization of a bodily-soldierly masculinity as the epitome of racial health, that the image of the Jewish male as the personified sickly man emerged. To exclude Jews from public, male-exclusive institutions such as the military or the political realm, since the 19th century antisemitic imagery had predominantly utilized male characters, stigmatizing them as unmanly, particularly due to his military inaptitude Chapter 1.
While Jewish women did appear in some images, they were not the norm, and as Andrea Haibl has shown, they had entirely disappeared by Yet, it was the Jewish male race defiler that would come to prominence in the Third Reich and it was the sexualized imagery of Nazi propaganda that tangibly resonated in many Jewish and non-Jewish diaries and memoirs.
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The sexualized form of antisemitism originated when modern science superseded the influence of religion, and an ideology of racism became more central in the second half of the 19th century. Georg Heuberger Frankfurt: Umschau Buchverlag, , Susanna Heschel also argued that in antisemitic imagery, starting in the late 19th century, Jewish men were easily identifiable while Jewish women were not.
The Question of Race and Sex 70 different human races that competed for the space and resources necessary for their survival. Writers such as Arthur de Gobineau, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Alfred Rosenberg and others argued that Jews consisted of an idiosyncratically inferior and diseased body. Such images relied on physiognomic features of the Jewish male, such as abnormally large hands, lips and noses, black curly hair and crooked posture, and depicted the Jewish body in unhygienic, dirty ways.
For instance, one medical discourse purpoted that Jewish men were exposed to and became life-long carriers of contagious diseases like syphilis, for instance when Jewish men were circumcized. Ideas of uncleanliness as signs of otherness, disease and inferiority were promptly assigned to marginalized groups, including Jews. Antisemitic jokes of Jews visiting German spa towns such as Marienbad and Karlsbad were popular as they emphasized how dirty the bodies of Jews were and how unsuccessfully they tried to cleanse themselves of their Jewishness.
The Nazis would later draw on such discourses of hygiene and connect them to racialist thinking. Georg Heuberger Heidelberg: Umschau Verlag, The Question of Race and Sex 71 the distorted large noses, black curly hair, flabby lips — demonstrated a degree of desperation on behalf of the Nazis to make visible an alleged enemy.
Often, it is only the expressions of their eyes that reveal the Jew. Jews were regarded as un-German, alien to German culture and traditions. In a highly polarized gendered context, Jewish men were questioned as to masculine virtues such as courage or hardiness, as analyzed in Chapter 1. Jews and others , thus, were not only assigned a racially different body type, but perhaps more importantly, their characters and behaviours were also defined through race. Combining scientific and racist sexism, notions of protecting the German nation by way of prohibiting sexual relations and preserving the racial purity of the nation satisfied not only medical experts and eugenicists, but antisemites alike.
To justify the need for protecting Germany from within, an image of an internal threat was thus needed. Jewish ineptitude, such as in the military, no longer sufficed. By Jews were increasingly portrayed as unbalanced and entirely controlled by their eros, their sexual lust. Georg Heuberger Heidelberg: Umschau Verlag, , Though there is an important and substantial corpus of literature on Nazi propaganda as well as specific studies on racial defilement in the Third Reich, one of the most striking features in Nazi propaganda imagery — the unanimous depiction of the male Jew as the villain — has gone largely unnoticed by scholars.
If sexual antisemitism has been part of scholarly analyses, the focus has lain on political and institutional histories, such as investigations of the justice system in Nazi Germany or the prosecution of cases of racial defilements in court. These studies, however, do not incorporate examinations of propaganda.
Finally, there are still studies that outright ignore the importance of male Jewish sexuality and therefore the interplay of gender in Nazi discourses in the context of Nazi racial propaganda and legislation e. Synthetic studies that link Nazi propaganda, antisemitism and Jewish gender are still largely absent. The Question of Race and Sex 73 Fig. To visualize the invisible processes of racial degeneration and defilement, the Nazis came to rely on the effective use of imagery that annotated such processes by depicting exclusively Jewish men in a hyper-masculinized, aggressive state.
Munich: Franz Eher Verlag, , The message in Nazi propaganda depictions of Jewish racial defilement, thus, was that a strong people like the Germans could only stick together, be strong and survive, if the people heeded the principle of protecting the most essential and basic element of their organism, their blood.
To educate German society about the Jewish sexual threat, the Nazis used a plethora of print materials. The caricatures suggested a pervasiveness of racial defilement by Jews who did not single out specific women but targeted all German women. According to the Nazi author Kurt Plischke, author of the pseudo-scientific monograph Rassenschande, the list of tricks Jewish men used to defile women was extensive. The Question of Race and Sex 75 Fig.
Left Image from the Der Giftpilz, Like other sources printed in the Third Reich, they had the common goal of stereotyping Jews, making them visually recognizable through their dress code, facial features and their gestures of inherently evil behavior. To inhibit further racial destruction, Nazi propaganda made use of the most simplistic visual and textual language to make it easily discernible to every German citizen to recognize a Jew by his looks and his behavior.
The Question of Race and Sex 76 In seemingly more scientific literature, such as Rassenschande, the author queried: Who does not know him, the oriental youth with his flat feet, dark curls, the cigarette in his flabby lower lips schlaffen Unterlippen under a crooked nose — dressed too colorfully, who with his brazen smiles wanders on the streets of the big city? He is lurking for blonde, young girls; once he has found one that is appealing enough for his oriental appetite, he starts his attack fest aufs Korn nehmen.
Plischke insistently cautioned German girls by use of word and image that if they did not listen to this warning, they would devalue themselves and forsake the greatest happiness that awaited all German women: motherhood. Keep your blood pure. You carry the heritage of the future. Though educating Germans about the criminal nature of Jews was the primary objective, antisemitic propaganda also served to entertain, using eye-catching and humorous images.
The sexual material naturally made it interesting to young people, as Randal Bytwerk noted, mostly adolescents who were still wet behind the ears. New York: Stein and Day Publishers, , The Question of Race and Sex 77 propaganda meant to culturally segregate Jews from German social life. In order to embed a social awareness of the alleged Jewish crime of racial defilement into German consciousness, the Nazi representations of Jewish men as rapists and race defilers needed to be a constant, unchanging theme, repetitively recurring in the papers, in the form of short articles with simple language, brief descriptions and a clear appeal to emotions through exaggerated caricatures and graphic dramatization.
Antisemitic texts and images seemingly galvanized enough Germans to bring their behaviors in line with the messages of Nazi propaganda. It was thus quite common for Germans to denounce couples living in mixed marriages.
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The Question of Race and Sex 78 wearing self-incriminating signs. According to Alexandra Przyrembel, cultural imagery and social experience were both part of a process of assigning shame to the victims that helped create feelings of enmity toward Jews within society. For this reason, the various Nazi papers increasingly started to make use of photographs, as they intended to communicate a higher degree of authenticity and factuality pertaining to sexual crimes. The movie industry produced specifically-themed antisemitic propaganda camouflaging it as documentaries such as Der Ewige Jude.
With Jews having been deported, Germans had little need in being reminded of an alleged Jewish threat, including racial defilement. The case subsequently acquired a legendary status and was subject to several literary productions and in the Third Reich a motion picture. When his protector, the 2. The Question of Race and Sex 80 a young woman seems to have had a powerful effect upon the audience.
Oppenheim was sentenced to death in The Question of Race and Sex 81 German socio-cultural life, it was unable with its staff of to handle all the submissions and letters of denunciation it received. Official antisemitic discourse reverberated sufficiently in society for it to take on a social dynamic of its own. The impact of antisemitic racial-sexual propaganda in the Third Reich is telling not only in terms of how it infiltrated social-cultural life in Germany, but also how it indirectly constructed idealization of proper non-Jewish gender norms.
Depicting Jewish men as threats reverberated with a general understanding of gender hierarchies in Nazi Germany. The sexually-loaded graphics and texts connoted a gendered understanding of how the Nazis envisioned their patriarchal state. New Haven: Yale University Press, The Question of Race and Sex 82 male protector, who would faithfully provide for and protect his family. On the other hand, the behavior of Jewish or non-Jewish men in using women only for their personal sexual pleasure and then leaving them impregnated to their own fate was disapproved of and socially condemned.
The Jewish sexual seducer who used women solely for his own selfish reasons did not fulfil this role of an honorable German man as the respected father and head of his family. Ironically, while in military discourses Chapter 1 Jewish men were represented as effeminate, un-manly men who were inept at military service and thus not qualified to achieve military honors and respect, in the context of sexuality and racial defilement, Jewish men were depicted and classified as hyper-sexualized and marked with a kind of animalistic, bestial aggression, strong will and physical prowess. The German media cemented images of hypersexualized Jewish men in an effort to warn, even threaten the public, and in particular the unknowing youth and the feeble-minded, easy-to-influence German women.
Paul Danzer Berlin: Reichsbund der Kinderreichen, , See Die Lage der Juden in Deutschland Das Schwarzbuch — Tatsachen und Dokumente, ed. The Question of Race and Sex 83 However, images of Jewish male race defilers evidently questioned Jewish masculinity itself. Though Jewish men were not depicted as helpless, weak and effeminate this time, but quite the opposite, aggressive, strong-willed and potent, Nazi propaganda assigned Jewish men too much masculinity, thus distancing them further from the hegemonic center of heterosexual norms.
As Jewish men were hyper-masculinized and put into a corner with animals that were also driven by uncontrollable instincts and perversions, Jewish men were hardly made to look properly male. Instead, as racial defilers, they were marginalized. Racial Defilement, Policy and Jewish Masculinity Cultural images of the Jewish sexual aggressor that had been previously established were aggressively perpetuated in the Third Reich.
This discursive emasculation through an animalistic hyper-sexualization of Jewish men by the Nazis intruded on the realm of legal discourses and policy, the focus of the following section. Nazi leaders and decision-makers who instigated and sanctioned antisemitic propaganda hoped to convert discourse into policy. To prepare society for legal changes, Nazi leaders publicly insulted Jewish men on their alleged sexual misconduct. Antisemitic propaganda became so omnipresent that in terms of everyday journalism, few news items or articles could be published with such a slant.
The Question of Race and Sex 84 Jews. To support his argument Streicher relied on a variety of dubious passages from the Talmud. In one his many defamatory speeches on the topic, Streicher proclaimed in Alien albumin is the semen of a man of another race. Because of intercourse, the male semen is partially or totally absorbed by the female body. A single incident of intercourse is sufficient to poison her blood forever. She has taken in the alien soul along with the alien albumin.
Now we know why the Jew uses every method of seduction he knows to shame German girls as early as possible, why the Jewish doctor rapes his female patients while they are drugged… The German girls, the German women, who absorb the alien semen of a Jew, can never again bear healthy German children. Hitler stressed in Mein Kampf that his observation of Jewish procurers in Vienna had converted him to antisemitism.
With all possible means, he tries to spoil the racial foundations of the people that he tries to enslave unterjochen.
Das Schwarzbuch — Tatsachen und Dokumente ed. While the Nuremberg Race laws were intended to segregate all Jews from non-Jewish Germans, regardless of sex and gender, the fine print of the laws had clear gendered connotations. Also, for some time, Jewish women were assigned a hypersexualized character who with their distinct female ways, seduced men for their pleasure. These images — male victims and female aggressor — disappeared, however, around the turn of the 19th century when religious stereotypes started to fall into desuetude and women took an increasingly marginal place in the public world of science, politics and economics.
The Question of Race and Sex 86 enforcement thereof was grounded in a culture of conceptualizing the male as the aggressor and the female as the victim. There were several reasons for an enforcement that differentiated between the sexes. In a male-dominated society, thus, women were judicially deemed less responsible. Female transgressions, such as entering into liaisons with Jewish men, were trivialized as somewhat natural and understandable. Guided by patriarchal principles, the Third Reich made the prosecution of women less central and important.
While the law did not expect women to be prosecuted and tried, women could also be subjected to extrajudicial state sanctions. The Question of Race and Sex 87 physically and mentally, and equipped with a stronger and rational mind, vilifying Jewish women for sexual transgression would have quintessentially meant that Jewish women could also act as seducers.
The prosecution and enforcement of the Nuremberg Race Laws took a high toll on Jewish men, with sentences for Jewish men up to four years of penal servitude. Furthermore, it is plausible to surmise that the actual number of court cases was artificially high because many of these investigated cases were based on false accusations or hearsay. Nevertheless, antisemitic propaganda that orbited around Jewish transgressive sexuality cannot be measured by the number of court cases only.
The cultural impact that Nazi caricatures and graphic presentations had on society must have been much greater. As the above section on 51 Ibid. The Question of Race and Sex 88 propaganda demonstrated, the Nazis regulated their propaganda and disseminated their messages aggressively and perpetually, reaching millions of Germans. The pervasive images of Jewish racial defilement, therefore, implicitly contributed to Germans shaping generally negative attitudes of their Jewish neighbors.
By internalizing the message of Jewish criminal sexual behavior, Germans participated in the stigmatization of Jews as an out-group. As inflammatory as the earlier caricatures, newspaper reports with photographs of court cases vilified the Jewish male, and the antisemitic representations were able to reach a large audience and readership outside the actual courtroom. Until , state prosecutors had to report every trial of a Jew to the press division of the Reich Ministry of Justice, and some of them were then broadcast and publicized.
The Jewish Experience of Racial Defilement The propaganda of Jewish criminal male sexuality and the implementation of antisemitic legislation that differentiated between the sexes essentially contributed to the cultural emasculation of Jewish men, who were constituted as the antithesis to normative definitions of German 53 A note on Jewish homosexuality is in order here. Oddly, while homosexuality was outlawed and prosecuted in the Third Reich, Nazi propaganda did not make a connection between discursive imagery of Jewish deviant sexuality and homosexuality.
One reason might be that there had been no cultural tradition that linked antisemitism to homophobia. The second reason Jewish homosexuality is not featured in this chapter is that there is a striking lack of primary sources. Therefore changes of the activity of the Hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal HPA axis are suspected to be important during the domestication processes from wolf to dog.
The hypothesis of Active Social Domestication ASD considers genetic selection as a necessary prediction but not a sufficient explanation of dog domestication. In addition dog domestication is suggested to be essentially an epigenetic based process that changes the interactions of the HPAaxis and the 5-Hydroxytryptamine 5-HT system. The limbic brain regions such as hippocampus and amygdala play a key role in the mood control. They are sensitive to glucocorticoids and innerved by serotonergic projections.
The activity of the HPAaxis is influenced thru an enhancement of the corpus amygdala and an inhibition thru the hippocampus. Hippocampal glucocorticoid receptor density hGCR is likely to affect its inhibitory effect on this system. Pro-social behaviour enhances epigenetically hGCR expression via increased serotonin and subsequently increased nerve growth factor levels binding on GRexon1;7promotorbloc inducing its demethylation and thus leading to decreased cortisol levels. Low cortisol levels increase social learning capability and promote the activity of the prefrontal cortex contributing to better executive function including better cognitive inhibition.
Thus epigenetically decreased cortisol levels of less stressed human-associated wolf clans allowed them to extend their social skills to interactions with humans. Over time tame wolves could grow into domestic dogs able to emerge human directed behaviour. But primarily dogs have always been important social bonding partners to humans.
Recent scientific research proves mutual empathy between humans and dogs. Domestication evoked tameness, that means decreased flightdistance chiefly concerning to humans. And in fact, in the Siberian farm-fox experiment, demonstrating a domestication process, first changes have been found in a decreased activity of HPA stress axis promoting domestication syndrome. Similar social skills and the evolutionary continuity of mammalian brains allowed both of them initial interspecific pro social communication achieving an evolutionary benefit for both. Knowing each other reduced stress and helped becoming confident.