Der Herr der Welt: Das Armageddon-Protokoll (German Edition)

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Full text of "Holocaust: Jewish or German? - S.E. Castan"

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Yaiba: Ninja Gaiden Z. Since those are submissive administrations, they will not promote the historical revision or re-examination of that war; they accept slander and not infrequently help in its divulgation through cultural institutes, such as the Goethe Institute, where at a certain occasion they showed no trace of shame in presenting a series of hateful films offending the German people and further gave themselves the luxury of sending a Zionist to present and comment on them In that "institute" I personally saw a banner carrying the propaganda of an Israeli baby to be presented -in the Saint Peter Theater, and the name of the show was: "Holocaust".

There are Germans persecuted and books forbidden, as they intend to show that the story of the Second World War is altogether different of the version presented by the victorious occupiers and dominators of Germany. One of my readers has taken this book to Germany where he innocently, and wanting to give it a hand, thought he would meet with exceptional success. Unfortunately the Germans are going to have to bring in the book, in German, from neighborly countries.

In that apparently democratic Germany, the "administrators" have succeeded in approving two laws which practically prohibit any revision of historical facts. The first one deals with "war crimes against humanity", attributed to the Germans, and the second one "prohibits to deny the reality of the Jewish holocaust". The latter determines that the authors of "calumnies" against a person belonging to a group persecuted under National-Socialism will be taken to court, even if no denunciation is presented Only by abrogating those two laws there may appear the thousands of witnesses who are now silent or in hiding so they will not be brought to "courts" of the Nurnberg, Jerusalem or Lyon kind, to finish with the infamy thrown on the laborious and honest German people, which is to take action in that direction by forcing its administrators; and they should hasten in that job, for in case they do not, within a few years there will only by a few living witnesses to look their accusers in the eye and enjoy the pleasure of calling them LIARS in person.

Any quotation about Zionism, or then references to international Jews, are not to be construed against those who profess the Judaic religion, who live and work honestly and peacefully with us and who all the time grow less approving of the terrorist acts of the first, since those cause them growing unrest. The first chapter is devoted to the Olympic Games in Berlin, , exclusively due to the fact that it was the meeting and the revelation of the first in an unending list of lies that I have found and which were scattered all over the world, regarding Germany.

In more recent times they are elaborating on that matter and it has been divulged the Fuehrer drooled of envy Such a bit of news will have at least three purposes, since they have never given details about that Olympic gathering: 1. Racism against Negroes; 2. The Only Public Compliments by Hitler Correio do Povo of Porto Alegre Brazil, state capital for Rio Grande do Sul , printed on August 5, , said the following about events that took place in Berlin on August 2, , the first day of the Olympic Games: "Hitler attended a part of the competition in the Stadium, and he wanted to be introduced to the winners of the competitions he had just been a spectator of, at the government's official stand.

He personally complimented and congratulated Miss Fleischer, from Germany, for the first victory In dart throwing". Some time later the three Finnish athletes who had won the 10, meters race, the German Woellke, first in weigth-throwing, the Finnish athlete Baerlunde, second, and the German athlete Stoeck, third winner, were also introduced to the Fuehrer.

After those introductions and before he left the Stadium, as by information from Mr. Duncan, secretary-general of thfe British Olympic Association, members of the IOC, International Olympic Committee, asked Hitler that he no longer publicly compliment winners in any other competition The fact took place when Cornelius Johnson not Jesse Owens After that request made by the IOC there were, of course, no more public compliments by the Fuehrer during the rest of the Olympic Games, neither for "Negroes" nor for "Aryans" themselves.

The time for the final race was 10,3 seconds, tantamount to the Olympic mark. Correio do Povo wrote about that victory as follows, on August 4, ; "Right after he won the meters dash, Jesse Owens stated to the press: 'It's hard to imagine how happy I feel. From a moment to another it seemed to me that while I ran I had grown wings. All the Stadium was so festive it was contagious, so I ran with greater joy and to me it seemed I had lost all weight of body. The sportive enthusiasm of those German spectators made a deep impression on me, particularly the gentlemanly attitude of those spectators.

You may tell everybody we are thankful for the German hospitality"'. That was his first gold medal. Broad Jump The second gold medal he won in broad jump in a dispute with the German athlete Lutz Long who, in the series, had equalled that fantastic Negro athlete with 7. That was when Jesse Owens made his last jump and reached 8. Long also had his last jump but then, anxious to beat Jesse's mark, he burned the limit at the start.

It is important to point out the sportive spirit among athletes in that Olympic Game, for after his victory Jesse Owens commented he had made that jump thanks to an advice given him by his main competitor, the "Aryan" Long, who became his close friend for many years. Despite foul weather the Stadium sitting , people was, as always, completely taken, for none wanted to miss the show.

In the eliminatories he had already beaten the world record at From the start he took the lead and he crossed the line of arrival in Hitler was present also to that test for which the Germans had not been classified. The Germans had already prepared a very special crowning ceremony for Jesse Owens, expecting his victory. The three winners, first, second and third placed took their stands on a especially built platform adorned with green foliage and gold, in front of the Fuehrer's stand, where honor guests were also present. Jesse was at the center, slightly above the silver medal winner, to his right, and the third winner to his left.

When the three athletes looked at the honor stand the band of the Olympic Games, headed by Count Henri de Billet Latour and a fanfare of trumpets, at the stadium's extreme, 18 began to play and everybody stood up. Three beautiful young girls in white uniform walked in and they crowned the winners with laurel. Jesse was also awarded a small oak planted in a vase. Loudspeakers announced the three winners and the band played the American anthem while athletes kept in attention and the "Aryans" filling the stadium, arms raised ahead, made their usual National-Socialist salute.

After the anthem the spectators took seat to watch the girls leave in perfect formation while the winners saluted the platform where Hitler was, and then departed. The fourth and last gold medal was won by Jesse Owens in the relay 4 x race, timed at S team integrated by Jesse Owens, also setting a new world record. Autographs The "darkie" was so endeared to and popular with the German people he practically had no rest after his first victory, as everywhere he went he was asked for autographs.

After his victory in the 4 x relay race he was forced to change address to escape crowds of autograph-hunters racists would never do it! Thousands stood in line outside the Bautzen House at the Olympic village. Owens first liked to be so popular and he willingly gave autographs galore but at the end of the competition his right arm muscles were getting cramps. Larry Snyder, his team mate, feared those cramps would harass Jesse's legs and he had the help of Herb Fleming, another Negro, with whom he was often confused and whom he authorized to sign his name.

Correio do Povo, August 12, , said the following. Mystery After the presentation in Koln the U. Delegation set up a presentation in Norway and another in Sweden, but Jesse Owens refused to go to those countries. None has yet been able to collect concrete data about what happened to him in that period. And he never again competed in sports! All that is very strange. One of the greatest athletes of all times, a man who had become a celebrated hero to Germans, and then was ignored by his country on his return. Or would it have been precisely for that reason the "international" press ignored him?

Would he have fallen in some "trap"? For reasons of indiscipline, after the beginning of the Olympic Games, the American officials dismissed from their delegation the athletes Sam Stoller and Martin Glickman, the only Jews in the track and field teams of the U. From that moment on the inclination to criticize the American committee dominated headlines in the "international" press, particularly in the United States. Stoller and Glickman stated they could also have beaten the world record The press said their dismissal had been inopportune and it launched charges of race prejudice against the U.

Those who liked sports in the U. Being a nightclub singer and a movie actress, Eleanor said she had trained instead with champagne and caviar. Well, the press gave more coverage to the girl than to all the American swimming team, that won several medals. There were also much more news on two prize fighters who also were dismissed than about those who fought.

That seems to evidence just one fact. The "international" racist press did not accept those discharges and replacements of Jewish athletes by Negro ones, nor the fact of their spectacular victories celebrated by the German people. To complete the question we must also mention that among the German athletes there was Miss Hetene Mayer, a Jewess, whs won the silver medal m female epee and received from the German government a Ml German citizenship, a fact that irritated Zionists.

Who Won the Olympic Games? Except for the four remarkable victories by Jesse Owens, who would have demolished the "Aryan" myth, we find nothing in the press or in libraries to show the honor roll, with the final results for ail countries represented, medal per medal. Not even in German consulates you may find them. In August I finally succeeded in what I was so much after. It happened in the National library; of Vienna and the book is fitted So kampfte tins!

Harster, of which I had several copies made of is most WeresBng parts. A 24 20 12 Italy 8 9 5 Finnland 7 6 6 France 7 6 6 Hungary.. Racism against Negroes? There certainly was some, but not on the German side, that celebrated and glorified the victories of Jesse Owens, making him its idol. I cannot believe that press would ignore who won, but then it has been spreading falsities for decades and more decades and this is one of the veteran ones, as it has been lasting for fifty years now, or more.

As to the last point under examination, would a head of State have reasons to drool in rage when his country won the Olympic Games in the most brilliant way possible? That on returning to the U. Contrarily to Germany, in his own country he was not even allowed to sit on front seats of buses, he had to sit on the rear part destined to Negroes.

In public departments he had to go through the back doors and he could not live where he would like to. Joe Louis and he were the first Negro athletes of world fame. They could not work on publicity for sport goods in the U. A because the Southern States would boycott those goods. For that total of medals Eastern Germany contributed with no less than ones, even though it has only 17 million inhabitants; Western Germany, under a strong Zionist impact, plus a capitalist one, plus a Coca-Colization, with its approximately 58 million inhabitants, contributed with 40 medals, while Austria, 8 million inhabitants, has been able to come up with only one medal.

Separating Germany into three parts the winners of that war had in mind only one goal — to weaken it. That situation shall last as long as its leaders stick to lapping shoes and boots of winners and as long as the German people will put up with the bad foot odor from them a small percen- tage has grown used to that smell, as it has never had another one in its nostrils As long as the press of the whole world is not in your hands, all that you do shall be fruitless.

It is necessary that we dominate the world press, or at least influence it, if we want to deceive and enslave the peoples". For the time he was at the Embassy of Portugal in London, to , we have his Letters from London, from which I quote pages 72 and Examining the Jewish question in Germany at the time of Bismarck, after pointing out the show of wealth that so much irritates the country's natives, he depicts the situation of Semites in the former German empire: "Worse yet, in Germany, is the clever plan through which they strengthen their prosperity and assure their influence, a plan so clever it has the flavor of a conspiracy: in Germany the Jew has slowly and silently taken over the two larger social forces — the stock exchange and the press".

He thus becomes unassailable, so that he not only expels Germans from liberal callings and humiliates them with his shining opulence and brings them to be dependent on capital, but then — supreme offense — through the voice of his newspapers he tells them what to do, what they must think, how they are to be governed and against whom they are going to battle! But no, the Jewish world keeps isolated, compact, inaccessible and impregnable. The formidable walls of the Temple of Solomon, which have been brought down, continue to place around him an obstacle of citadels.

Inside Berlin there is a true impregnable Jerusalem; that is where he is sheltered with his God, his book, his customs, his Sabbath, his tongue, his pride, his dryness, enjoying gold and disdaining the Christians. He invades the German society, he wants to shine and dominate it, but then he will not allow a German to place the tip of his shoe inside Jewish society. Jews only marry among themselves and it is among themselves that they aid each other regally, exchanging millions in gifts — but they would not favor a hungry German with a few coins, and they exhibit pride, an insolent coquetry in differentiating themselves from the rest of the nation in all, from the way of thinking to the 23 way of dressing.

Such an accentuated exclusiveness is, of course, interpreted as hostility and paid for with hatred". The quotation from Ega de Queiroz is primarily meant to show those who, years ago, already were modelling minds of people" through the press. Western Germany of our days, with a few exceptions, goes on being the same! HENRY FORD, The following quotation also has a very special value, both for the time it has to do with, the end of World War I in Germany, and because its author is Henry Ford, American, industrialist, creator and founder of the Ford automobile industries and author of a book, The International Jew, he wrote in , published in Brazil by Livraria do Globo and published in several languages throughout the world.

It is important also because it was written thirteen years before National-Socialism appeared. After it was published Jews grew indignant because the adversary was a serious one, so they launched against Ford a violent campaign that lasted years and only ended in Harassed by major financial troubles, sued by Jews at American courts, victim of a major automobile accident In a mysterious manner, Ford wrote to Jewish organizations a letter recanting all he had published in his book.

After they had left him dangling in uncertainty for some time the Jews accepted his retractation" from page 5 of the book. Let us see what we have at pages 25 to Mankind, in its constant progress, deals openly with its fight against sicknesses about which it deemed to find necessary to extend the mantle of shame and silence.

Political cleanliness has not made progress to that point. The fundamental cause of sickness in the German national body has its roots in the excessive Jewish influence. If that was for many years the conviction of some far-seeing minds, it is time that also the less intelligent masses begin to see it.

What we have for sure is that all the political life of Germany turns around this idea and we can no longer hide the fact much longer. According to the opinion of all social classes, both the defeat after the armistice World War I and the revolution and its consequences, under which the German people succumbs, are the work of slyness and a premeditated plan by Jews". Note that Ford does not separate Zionists from Jews and will rather call them all Jews.

In Germany the Jew is held to be just a guest who, abusing the tolerance of his host, fell in excess with his inclination for domination". There is not in the world, in fact, a greater contrast than that existing 24 between the purely German race and the Hebrew one. The German sees only a guest in the Jew. The Jew, on his turn, feeling indignant because not all the prerogatives of the natives are extended to him, fosters an unjust hatred against the people that hosts him".

For this reason the Jew hates the German people and precisely for that same reason the peoples at which the Jewish influence predominated have shown along that deplorable world war the most acute degree of hatred against Germany. The only greedy ones, after the Great War, were indeed the Jews". It is not enough to just say it, of course. It is necessary to prove it.

Let us therefore examine the facts, and see what happened as soon as Germany passed from the former to the new regime. In the cabinet made up of SIX members, which usurped the office of the imperial government, we had an absolute majority of Hebrews Haase and Landsberg. Haase conducted external affairs, aided by the Jew Kautsky, a Bohemian who in did not even have German citizenship. In the ministry of Interior the boss was the Jew Preuss, aided by his friend and fellow-countryman Freund. That constellation had its second part in the Prussian government.

Jews Hirsch and Rosenfeld presided over the cabinet, the latter in the ministry of Justice while the former held the office of Interior. The Jew Simon was appointed secretary of state in the ministry of Finance. To the office of head of the department of the Colonies rose the Jew Meyer-Gerhard, while the Jew Kastenberg occupied himself as head of the department of Letters and Arts. Hirsh and Dr. Jews Teilheimer and Heiman held high offices in the ministries of Wurtenberg, while the Jew Fulda was the governor in Hessen". Also Jewish were two German plenipotentiaries, while a third one was a known unconditional tool of Jewry in the Versailles peace conference.

The number of Jews in the delegations of 'other' governments at the Conference Versailles may be easily computed by reading the reports of non-Jewish journalists. It seems that fact called the attention of those ones, only, while the Jewish correspondents decided to silence on it, certainly for a matter of prudence". The Jewish influence had appeared in Germany never so strongly as during the war. It appeared with the bold certainty of a cannon volley, as if it all had been prepared beforehand".

Even though this fact, in the opinion of nations inimical to Germany, does not amount exactly to be a fault, it allows us to estimate at their just value the clamorous assurances of absolute loyalty made by Jews to countries where they casually live. Shielded in reasons we shall examine further on, serious German thinkers declare it is entirely impossible for a Jew to ever be a patriot".

According to general opinion, not one of the Jews mentioned above would ever have reached those offices without the revolution. On the other hand, that revolution would never have come up without their own preparation of it. There were deficiencies in Germany, for sure, but the people itself could correct them and it would certainly do it. In this case, to be precise, the causes for those shortcomings that ruined the public morale and rendered all the reform impossible were under Jewish influence".

As early as in the second year of war German Jews said the defeat of Germany was mandatory to liberate proletarians. Socialist Stroebel declared: 'I state it frankly, the full victory of Germany would not be favorable to the interests of social democracy'. It was everywhere said that the rise of proletarians should be nearly impossible if Germany won the war.

These short examples, picked among so many we could quote, do not aim to re-examine all the question of the war, they are only meant to show many Jews, who were so-called Germans, forgot their duties to the country whose citizenship they proclaimed, and they united with all enemy Jews to prepare a catastrophe for Germany. That goal, as we shall see further on, was not even close to that of getting Germany rid of militarism, but to submerge all the German people in a chaotic state allowing them to take over the power, as they actually did".

Timidly first and then 'with all the light' the German press endorsed those tendencies of Jewish spokesmen. The Berliner Tagblatt and the Munchener Neueste Nachrichten were officious or semi-officious publications of the German government during the war. The first stands for the Jewish interests in Germany, while the latter presents itself entirely submissive to the influence of organized Judaism. Genuinely Judaic is also the Frankfurter Zeitung, upon which many other newspapers of greater or smaller importance 26 depend. All those newspapers are no better than German editions of the anti- German Judaic World Press, following the same tendency the whole line.

This close cooperation of the press from all nations, which is called WORLD PRESS, should be considered very scrupulously from this viewpoint, to exhibit to mankind these secrets — how and for which secret purpose the formation of public opinion is daily prepared". When the war started all foodstuffs and war material went into Jewish hands and from that moment on there appeared such a laxity of integrity the trust of fighting men was undermined. The same as other patriotic peoples, also Germans knew a war means sacrifice and suffering and from the first day they were decided to bear them.

But now Germans understood they had been exploited by a horde of Jews who had it all prepared to extract enormous advantages from the overall suffering of the German people. Wherever one could deal with the needs of the people, wherever a chance appeared to make a profit in-between, be it in banks, war societies, public loans or ministries that placed large orders for war material, there you would find Jews". War societies were the domain of Jews. Those who had money could buy it all, even buy ration cards the government created in an extra-human effort to share foodstuffs equanimously amid the population.

Jews trebled prices for articles they purchased under cover of official distribution and so they reaped abundant gold. Thanks to hidden stocks the Jews had built, government estimates and censuses failed. The public morale grew unrestive in view of this".

When, however, the culprit was a German, they would impose hard fines that should also have been paid by the others". Examining the country from this viewpoint, scanning Germany everywhere, listening to the voices and opinions of the people, we shall always hear from every direction that such an abuse of power during the war was imprinted on the German soul as if it had been imprinted with a branding iron".

It is necessary, therefore, both in America and in Russia, to make a clear distinction between the methods of rich Jews and poor Jews; the first busy themselves with the subjugation of governments, the latter with winning the masses of the people, both aiming at the same goal". He is talking about world domination. The overall interpretation by Germans and Russians may be frankly summed up in the following words: Judaism is the best organized power in the world, employing methods that are stricter than those of the British Empire.

It makes up a State whose citizens obey unconditionally, wherever they live, whether rich or poor, and that state that exists within other States is in Germany called 'Pan Judea' — All Judah'. The means of domination of that pan-Judaic state are capitalism and press, that is, money and diffusion of propaganda". Among all States of the world the only one that really holds an 27 universal domination is Pan-Judea; all others can and want to exert only a national domination". The main propeller of Pan-Judaism is its domination of the press. The technical, scientific and literary productions of modern Judaism are of a journalistic nature only and they have as basis the admirable capacity of Jews to assimil other peoples' ideas.

As readers will have noticed, there no longer is the gigantic British Empire that collapsed after the World War II, neither a Pan Judea in Germany, because now we have Israel, despite its problems with Palestinians and Arabs in general, and the World Jewish Council in New York, a city where there are practically twice as many Jews all those living in Israel. This chapter also presents a special value as it shows the opinion of a man who was known all over the world and a citizen of a country that fought against Germany. Is also shows who led the opinions of readers up to , when the book was published.

About this book

A reader has sent me in May, , copies of a book published in in the German city of Theley, with statistical data for the end of World War I, in November, , with the march of inflation in Germany. These are really astounding data so I decided to include them in this edition, so that the reader may have a chance to know the figures and think about them.

The table following shows in the various occasions the amount of German marks needed to cover just ONE dollar. January 3, 8. November 1, November 11, November 21, December 21, The price of one kilogram of full bread, in Germany, in December, , already in World War I, was 0 32 marks.

Unfortunately it presents only value of a historical nature The important find in the note is not the face value of it but the fact that there are no less than eight stars of David on it, four of them larger and four smaller. Amid the few ones in there I failed to find one with that star printed on it.

So f bought another bank-note for ten million German marks for the fact it had been issued in Berlin two days before the one I had: been given, which therefore would be the 22 August of the same year I ignore the meaning of those signs in German money going through a frenzied inflation but then i can. S flag,..

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The same domination is found in nearly all countries of the Western world, with exception of the Communist countries plus Iran, Syria, Paraguay, Libya and Nicaragua, which under the most varied reasons are under permanent attack either by the news from the U. It is amazing to notice how, for example, those responsible for the American government will extract no lesson from World War II, from Korea or Vietnam, from interventions that as a rule have been disastrous, as the invasion of Cuba, the hostage rescueing operation in Iran, where those forces have destroyed themselves The thousands of troops sent to Lebanon to raise the confusion prevailling there and then ending in a tragic manner when their quarters were blown up with their troops; the full cooperation with England in the Malvinas war against Argentina, taking from that country any chance it held to keep those islands reconquered without bloodshed for any British soldier or inhabitant, the intervention in Nicaragua, the mining and financing of rebels or even mercenary forces, operations that have been condemned by the International Court of the Hague, the bombing of military and civilian installations in Libya, in retaliation for attempts that would have been financed by Khadafi in Europe and would have been detected by the Israeli secret service, since the attempts were against Jews residing in the United States, considered to be American citizens.

What seems to be impossible happens, when after all the outcry for the Soviet decision to destroy a Jumbo full of civilians in Korea, we have as U. S frigate firing, destroying and killing civilians in an Iranian airbus. To show the American people actually can do little or knows little about their own homeland, here is a special bit of news published by Zero Hora Porto Alegre, Brazil on June 27, "U. The amendment asks to instruct the U. S ambassador at the U. Can there be any doubts about who influences or dominates the Senate?

Robert White, who is related to the. Of course it is the government, but then one that was legitimately elected and, according to the polls, continues to have the support of the people which, on its turn, is misguided by the press. It is not without reason or rhyme that the U. In what concerns Paraguay the problem is still older and it dates from the period before World War II, when Germany wanted to transfer to other countries, if feasible, the remaing , undesired Jews still present there.

Paraguay was the only country that did not limit the number of immigrants it would take, but that under a condition: they would have to be farmers, land- workers. It seems none would thus qualify! In the absence of better reasons, Paraguay has since been charged or harboring National-Socialists. As of more recently, a Zionist lady, in the certainty that Dr. Mengele was in Paraguay, had no qualms to present by herself an anti-Stroessner demonstration in Assuncion and, of course, she was expelled at once from the country.

Since then a travel planned by Stroessner to Germany has been called off, there has been a constant campaign against him, although Paraguay has been the country of least inflation in South America, for many years. There are many news about opposition leaders who had formerly been expelled and who want to return to Paraguay forcefully; in short, there is growing in the press a wave against Stroessner, who has always been a great friend of Brazil and who recently, in his visit to our country, met with remonstrations by Brazilians My advice is to follow up the Waldheim case, as I think that press, specialized in slander, will not let his foot off so easily.

Figures were presented over the , mark. Neal Shear, a spokesman for the Department, said yesterday in Washington the recommendation indicates that Waldheim must be placed in an 'observation list' until the denunciations about his participation in massacres of civilians during World War II in Greece and Yugoslavia, where the ex-UNO secretary served as a German army officer, be clarified. The recommendation was made after an analysis, by the Departament. Waldheim is at present running for the presidency of Austria in elections for early May and the charges against him were raised by the World Jewish Council".

One week before the elections, in its second turn, the minister of justice in Israel, Yitzhak Modai, said in New York an Israeli was a witness when Waldheim personally assaulted his brother until the latter died. Zero Hora, June 9, On that same week it was hinted that in case Waldheim were elected, the European Common Market would possibly stop business with Austria.

A clear interference by the "International" press and Zionism into a question that affected Austrians only. Along these last weeks the Austrians were giving signs of being tired and irritated by such charges, anti-Semitism reappeared during the campaign, swastika banners on walls, while the Jewish community of 7, people received an avalanche of offensive letters. Because of that press, a peaceful community of 7, Jews received offenses.

It even seems the provocation is carried out with a purpose of leading countries where they live and work to start discriminating or expelling them, so they will eventually have to go Israel, which all the time grows emptier. I do not think this is going to happen. All that campaign which lasted for months ended with the victory of Kurt Waldheim in the elections, votes for him amounting to That investigation is going to be carried out in the United States.. Israel is going to withhold for some more time its official fetter of congratulations Zero Hora, June 10, This is really unbelievable — the man is not Austrian, he has been there for many years and then he asks that foreign governments make up a multi- national committee to examine the President-elect of the country hosting him,,.

About this man we shall have a special chapter. In Moscow the TASS agency 32 came out with unconditional praise to Waldheim on commenting his election, saying he is an emminent politician and that his victory is important to the cause of Palestinians, who fight for their rights, and congratulating Austrian voters for the hard blow they delivered on Israeli propaganda and on the policy to interfere in internal matters of other countries, adopted by Zionists. The political commentator of TASS went on further, saying the election of Waldheim means a clear repudiation of Israeli charges about that man's past.

Zionist charges have had no effect on Austrian voters. This is the victory of the forces of justice and peace against those of blackmail and hatred". Some three hundred thousand Jews migrated in the last years. Berlin had over two hundred thousand Jews and Vienna a greater number still. In several occasions our good elements warned them, they told those individuals who are now enjoying life far from here, in other countries, possibly casting seeds for future anti-Semitic reaction. It was all in vain, the inevitable happened' ". We live under persecution because unfortunately we lack self-criticism.

Except for that we would not let ourselves be so easily carried away by the mirage of our successes. See what happens in North America: those who are there think the same way as in Germany thought the Jews by time they had reached a really privileged position. They figure themselves easily victorious, and that for keeps, and they forget there are in the country millions of individuals who are able to think and who have a clear conscience of Nationality.

That is why several clubs and restaurants in the United States have begun to exhibit anti- Semitic posters. We are too well-known to afford certain claims. The reaction is inevitable'. That was 46 years ago and let us imagine the domination Zionism exerts today in the United States. I put a question not too discreet 33 for the atmosphere of a Berlin cafe where the portrait of Hitler is plainly visible. I ask him how the Jewish community in Germany sees the campaign waged outside Germany in its favor. He lits up a cigarette and replies: 'We were not born yesterday, my friend.

We are perfectly familiar with the meaning of that campaign. It is faulty, from its start, for its absence of honesty. It is not the German, the Pole or the Czech Jew it aims to stand for' ". The few ones who succeed in migrating now do it at the cost of a lot of money, our money, made here through the counters of Nazi banks. We owe absolutely no favor to whoever be abroad. We deal with the Germans, only with the Germans, and it is only the Germans who supply us with exchange.

Out there, it is all literature for internal and external political purposes. We interest those individuals only as a mass of maneuver. See the case of Palestine — a comedy! It would be one thousand times preferable that people would have remained in Germany. It would not be now hiding and being hunted in the streets by Arab snipers' ".

Mendel concluded: 'They had better let us alone! And the journalist goes on: "The concentration camps where 'thousands of Jews suffer the Nazi captivity', as I was able to find out in Jewish and non- Jewish circles, are a pure fabrication for propaganda purposes abroad, against the third Reich. It is to Jamie that I dedicate this manuscript. These unprecendented international conditions forced pacifists to rethink their existing agendas. Peace rhetoric that once had focused on the domestic roots of militarism was reoriented to emphasize human dignity as a positive leitmotif.

Was this a sufficient response to the deployment of modern weapons in an ideologically-grounded and potentially global conflagration? What sort of position were pacifists to take on anticolonial wars like those fought in Algeria or Vietnam, which many activists perceived as being fought in the name of human dignity? These and similar questions vexed West German pacifists and led to a series of crises among them.

This dissertation explores the historically-contingent nature of pacifism as it was articulated and practiced in the Federal Republic of Germany on the shifting terrains of geopolitics, political economy, and activist networking. At its core, this is a history of peace organizations and their respective attempts to revive pacifism in Germany after World War II, adjust their priorities to the geopolitical and domestic political priorities of the Cold War, and accommodate themselves to a new era of social movement organizing and activism.

I demonstrate a global turn in pacifist thought during the s, and I argue that this shift encouraged pacifist identification with and support for national liberation movements around the world during the s, leading some activists to seriously qualify their traditional opposition to the violence of war. Resisting the common characterization of protest as an expression of youthful, countercultural dissent, I identify the competing influences of broader cultural economies over peace activism.

Pacifist thought is no exception. In both popular and scholarly usage, the term pacifism generally is treated ahistorically as a rejection of war and all other forms of violent confict. Whether justified on ethical, specifically moral-religious, or ideological grounds, the pacifist is said to seek a world without war through his or her promotion and embodiment of the principles of nonviolent action.

What people today fail to appreciate is that the normative equation of pacifism with an uncompromising commitment to principled nonviolence is a rather recent development. Prior to World War II, those activists motivated by moral revulsion to violence shared the public stage in the promotion of peace with some German liberals, who promoted nonviolent conflict resolution between states but did not oppose so-called defensive wars, and with some socialists, who saw in war the exploitation of the laboring classes but accepted as inevitable civil war born of class conflict.

Pacifists found themselves facing the emerging and interpenetrating geopolitical regimes of the Cold War and decolonization. Otto Brunner et al. Stuttgart: E. Klett, , How might they refashion their agendas to respond effectively to modern technologies of war deployed in an ideologically- grounded and potentially global conflagration? Over the course of the s, pacifists who had once been preoccupied with the domestic roots of militarism turned to emphasize human dignity as a positive leitmotif. But what sort of position were pacifists to take on wars of national liberation like those fought in Algeria or Vietnam, which many activists perceived as being fought in the name of national independence and human dignity?

As I explain, this and similar questions vexed pacifists and led to a series of crises among them during the long s. While significant in its own right, the history of German pacifism matters beyond the history of a sectarian ideology or social movement. It has implications for how one conceptualizes and writes the history of West German extraparliamentary opposition APO during the second half of the twentieth century.

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Nick Thomas rightly notes that the APO is difficult to define. Even in its more formal manifestations, it had no central or umbrella orgnization that coordinated protest actions. Organizationally, the term APO refers to protest actions carried out by a variety of actors working independently of each other or through a spectrum of organizations, and only on occasion in concert.

The APO is thus characterized as a conglomoration of discrete protest communities over which an intellectual avant-garde exercised considerable influence. Pacifists appear as a distinct, subordinate, and largely insignificant constituency within the broader mass. At the same time, they were the only organized group of protesters to be active in each of these campaigns.

Pacifist activities were also more extensive and collaborative than hitherto acknowledged. Their support of conscientious objectors in the Federal Republic is well documented. Markovits and Philip S. Beck, , This article provides an excellent summary of theories of social movement research, including the Resource Mobilization model. For example, during the campaign against the proposed emergency laws, pacifists participated in action alliances at the local level, and cosponsored large-scale protest rallies.

Eine bundesdeutsche Institution im gesellschaftlichen Wandel Munich: R. Oldenbourg, Otto, APO. Their history also offers a heretofore underappreciated view onto the constitution and delineation of protest communities, and the ethical and political constestation at the heart of these processes. What scholarship there is attends to transnational exchanges and organizing.

History of Activism, History as Activism, eds. Benjamin Ziemann Essen: Klartext, , Moreover, these subjects are interrelated. One cannot fully understand the development of West German ideas of pacifism apart from the web of entangled relationships of both individuals and organizations within which pacifists operated.

Conversely, articulations of pacifism speak to the ideologies and values of these broader communities. What analysis there is treats solidarity as a self-evident, stable term of analysis reflecting the common cause of activists internationally in supposedly related campaigns for liberation from structural forms of neocapitalist and neocolonial oppression. Considered alongside nonpacifist expressions of solidarity, they also open a view onto the ties of intramovement connectivity — the overlapping constituencies, perspectives, and agendas that belie the conventional distinctions of organizational, generational, and ideological difference that scholars of extraparliamentary protest during the long s take for granted.

There are essentially two distinct historical literatures on German peace movements that are relevant to the history of West German pacifism.

By and large, this first literature seeks in German pacifism an instance of liberalism and its marginalization in the decades before The broader field of social scientific research on protest movements is expansive. The former emerged out of research into mass psychology and has evolved into the largely quantitative fields of resource mobilization and political opportunity structures.

These were postmaterialist movements that departed from the classic model of movement actors, conceived as members of a social class brought together in protest by the shared experience of material deprivation. Accordingly, the mass peace demonstrations of the s typically are characterized as immature precursors to the large-scale mobilizations and radical critiques of West German political practice that emerged during the s and again during the late s and early s. Arnold Sywottek Munster: Lit, , The end of European militarism brought with it the obsolesence of European pacifism.

What kinds of alliances were these? Were protesters united in both means and ends? How did protesters communicate with each other? Did lines of communication conform to scholarly assumptions about organizational distinctiveness and the geography of protest? Among the few scholars who have begun to address these issues, several have turned to the tools of constructivist sociology as means to explore the constitution of peace movements within and across national borders. Simultaneously constructivism enables research agendas into both intraorganizational cohesion and the cultural embeddedness of protest discourse.

Scholars tend to focus on symbols and media in the self-constitution and resonance of movements. While this is an important area of inquiry, there is a tendency among scholars to portray protest as a media event, as if its history can be reduced to the visual codes and grammars of representation.

Symbols and signifiers of protest may indeed establish the terms of communication that constitute protest communities. However, as this dissertation explains, signifiers are also fraught with conflict potential. To reiterate, if the ambiguity of protest symbols creates an opportunity for multiple constituents to find meaning in a core protest vocabulary, it also maintains the potential for disagreement, discontent, and division among protesters.

We must account for both the unifying and divisive potentials inherent in the ambiguous nature of symbolic politics at and between the local, national, and international levels of organization. To do any less is to marginalize the political nature of protest communication — both among protesters and between protesters and broader constituencies. Moreover, as Pamela Oliver and Hank Johnston remind us, a frame is not an ideology, and the two concepts are not interchangeable.

Historians presuppose the existence of discrete protest communities of peace activists at the micro-, meso-, and macro-levels of organizing. This is not to deny the existence of associations with particular mandates, such as peace organizations. As previously mentioned, framing plays a critical role in the constructivist approach to social movements.

Indeed, one of the advantages of constructivist movement research is its attention to how issues are framed to unite constituencies. According to David A. Snow and Robert D. At the same time, frames provide more than a description in the sense of a diagnosis; they evince more, for example, than the origins of and responsibilities for threats to peace. Beyond this, they propose solutions and possible actions.

In this regard, frames have a cognitive function as filters of perceptions Wahrnehmungsfilter … and an emotional function by endowing a sense of community through collectively shared interpretive frameworks Deutungsmuster. There is the account of 68ers and their protest as reflections of the long- term socio-structural transformation of western European societies associated with the emergence of a post-industrial and consumer-oriented socio-economic order. According to this argument, youth rebellion exposed the discrepancies between the formal principles of democratic governance, the socio-cultural possibilities engendered by consumption, and postfascist, conservative cultural norms in various states.

Looking beyond protest as a reflection of socio-cultural change, is characterized as a catalyst of political transformation. In what ways is the history of one of West German attitudes toward politics and democratic participation? Scholars have been largely preoccupied with the most radical of political activists e. One does not read about politically- conscious students, for example, who counseled against violent responses to the assassination attempt on Rudi Dutschke in April Admittedly, Jarausch places equal, if not greater, emphasis on the efforts by 68ers to distance themselves from the national legacy of genocide.

Thomas, Protest Movements in s West Germany, It explains what is wrong with the scholarly association of Third World solidarity with student radicals to the exclusion of activists of different stripes. They found common ground with the agendas of the burgeoning ecology and feminist movements. Pacifists held international festivals more akin to self-organizing jamborees than the the Easter Marches of the s, let 52 Cf.

Gilcher-Holtey, Der 68er Bewegung. Deutschland — Westeuropa — USA, At its core, this dissertation is a history of peace organizations and their respective attempts to revive pacifism in Germany after World War II, adjust their priorities to the geopolitical and domestic political priorities of the Cold War, and, ultimately, accommodate themselves to a new era of social movement organization and activism. Even before the rise of a younger generation of activists to positions of prominence in peace organizations, these groups sought to redefine their agendas in ways that were relevant to the times.

Materialien zum nonkonformistischen Sozialismus, no. The Cold War may have enabled a certain kind of peace in Europe. Taken together, they represent the vast majority of organized West German peace activists during the first three postwar decades. The commonalities and divergences in their respective histories make the DFG, IdK, and VK particularly useful objects for a study of the shifting demographic, ideological, and political terrain of social movement activism both within pacifist circles and in relation to the broader West German extraparliamentary milieu.

It explains how the twin threats of the Cold War and nuclear weapons combined to destabilize established arguments for peace and simultaneously provided a new, supranational framework in which peace activists began to formulate their cause. In essence, a tradition of liberal-humanist peace advocacy that took the 60 Sheehan, Where Have All the Soldiers Gone? After explaining why peace activists turned their attentions to the global implications of modern warfare during the s, this chapter considers the significance of the concomitant, eschatological rhetoric of global suffering that emerged among them.

Chapter two explores their influence within DFG leadership circles and the attending rhetoric of global nuclear catastrophe that emerged during the late s and early s. Fostered was a profoundly Eurocentric ethic of global community that, I argue, posited the prospect of future German and world suffering in a manner that obscured the specificity and profundity of the genocidal atrocities committed by Germans during World War II. Peace activism is thus revealed as an early and underappreciated postwar arena in which the trope of the German as victim was developed, politicized, and functionalized in the name of constructing a new collective identity.

How might social movement actors have contributed to the 61 See Robert G. Moeller, War Stories. Representations of German Wartime Suffering from to the Present, ed. It explores how the global turn in peace rhetoric enabled and encouraged pacifist identifications with and support for national liberation movements around the world during the s, leading some pacifists to reconsider and qualify their traditional opposition to the violence of war. DFG activities during the s testify to how short a step it was from the politics of antinuclear solidarity to cooperation with radical anti- authoritarian activists in demonstrations against the proposed emergency laws, U.

Whereas conventional wisdom describes a turn among extraparliamentary activists from moral exhortation to political action during the s,63 for pacifists humanitarian and political aims were co-constitutive elements of their increasingly radical politics of solidarity. Throughout the long s, peace politics embodied the attempt by activists to subordinate civic to moral discourse.

For a more recent article on the postwar refiguring of German relationships to former colonized peoples, see Uta G. DFG activists thus found themselves caught between the conflicting implications of human and political solidarity. As chapter five explains, the advent of common ideological ground cannot be attributed solely to the influence of anti-authoritarian students over pacifsts. Whereas student activists are generally considered the standard bearers of New Left criticism during the s,64 this chapter points to a simultaneous and largely autonomous reception of the New Left by pacifists beginning in the late s.

I discuss the reception, patterns of intellectual transmission, and the impact of New Left criticism on pacifist notions of violence, nonviolence, and resistance, and how the attempt of pacifists associated with the VK and IdK to update an inherited body of thought to reflect contemporary critical theory led them to embrace expanded and expansive notions of violence. From their established institutional focus on conscientious objection, these activists turned to address cultural conformity and political stasis, conventional norms of masculinity and sexual practice, and the plight of racial minorities in so-called First World societies.

They both broadened the horizon of West German peace politics to include forms of socio-structural violence and raised difficult questions about the limitations of non-violent action to affect historical change. Their examples call for an expanded account of the West German reception of the New Left that would consider the full range of its resonance across public culture.

They also suggest that the origins of pacifist experiments with radically subjective forms 64 A typical example is Michael Schmidtke, Der Aufbruch der jungen Intelligenz. Both situations revolved around definitions of pacifism and whether pacifists could justify or tacitly accept violent acts of resistance against imperial and socio-structural forms of domination. These conflicts precipitated the departure of a number of peace activists from their tradtitional organizations.

The latter became sites for the promotion of pacifist ideas and means of action. The active presence of peace activists in these Initiativen raises the question: To what extent was the early ecological movement already a peace movement as well? Furthermore, given the seemingly sectarian isolation of peace organizations like the DFG-VK, how is it that peace activism emerged within just a few short years to be a powerful force in West German public life? If we understand and accept that the anti-nuclear protests of the late s and early s were precipitated by the cultural and political rebellions of the long s, what role are we to understand was played, if any, by pacifists in preparing the ground for the later peace movement?

DFG leaders initially sought to restore an agenda grounded in the tradition of liberal-humanist pacifism and tempered by the radical, mass politics of the interwar years. The emerging Cold War and advent of nuclear weapons presented obstacles to peace unprecedented in the history of European peace activism. Taken together, these challenges raised the specter of global war and universal annihilation — a literal fear on the part of pacifists of the end of human history.

Shifting historical circumstances required a changing pacifism. Given the nature of the threats to peace, pacifists turned to emphasize unity above the ideological constraints of the Cold War — unity of the German nation, but also of Europe and humanity. Motivated by the changing nature of threats to peace, the emerging terms of peace politics were informed by the participation of politically-minded Protestant pastors and laypeople associated with the Confessing Church within pacifist organizations like the DFG.

Too little attention has been paid by scholars to their presence in and influence on the agendas of extraparliamentary movements after The DFG did not become a Christian organization, but Protestant theology did inform rhetorics of pacifist universalism. This chapter traces the genealogies of operative concepts for pacifists like militarism and humanity. Among the most salient elements influencing the changing discourses on peace and pacifism were anticommunism and specifically Christian formulations of humanity and moral responsibility that resonated with the West German populace.

To varying degrees, these shifts were informed by the efforts of pacifists to build and participate in 1 On the role of figures associated with the Confessing Church in postwar history, see Martin Greschat, Die evangelische Christenheit und die deutsche Geschichte nach This Cold War pacifism insisted upon the universal rights of humanity referred to in the singular, and it was therefore distinct from an interwar tradition predicated upon the rights of nations and that defined humanity as an agglomeration of discrete, national communities.

Its significance extends beyond articulations of peace protest, as it influenced how pacifists addressed the genocide of European Jewry, which had only recently been cast in terms of public memory and history. According to Dr. No longer the masters of their national destiny, Germans turned inward and focused on their individual fates.

They retreated into their private lives and focused on everyday concerns. It was an older generation of pacifists who took the lead in reorganizing the DFG after The postwar DFG took shape as an association of some 14, members articulating interwar arguments against militarism in response to the emerging geopolitical conditions of the Cold War.

However, unlike the Antifas, peace associations were not considered organizational or ideological competitors by the occupying authorities. To the contrary, their aims were regarded as complementary. The British in particular welcomed peace associations, granting them permissions to reorganize throughout the British Zone. Lernen aus dem Krieg? Deutsche Nachkriegszeiten, und Beck, And in Berlin, where all four occupying authorities had to approve license requests, the bureaucratic process was byzantine, excessively political, and prohibitively expensive.

We know that much cleaning has to be done in Germany, but the Allies should let us have the broom to do it. You think that is only three sheets of paper? It is You must have sixteen copies of each of the three in German, eight in English, four in French and four in Russian. Seven Germans, living in the four sectors of Berlin, have to sign.

When we were two years younger and without experience, we thought that prominent people would be the best to push this through. But a prominent man who was agreeable to the Russians would be rejected by the Americans, and one who was satisfactory to the Americans, the Russians would disapprove. So we failed … We will try it with people with a clean record but who are absolutely unknown. With the exception of Gerhard Schmidt , who was elected chairman in , these positions would be occupied by prewar pacifists for the next decade and a half.

The zonal representatives Zonenbesitzer elected in were all from prewar cohorts as well. It is important to note that, despite the reemergence of Weimar-era pacifists after , they by no means survived the Third Reich unscathed. According to early postwar tabulations, approximately 35 prominent pacifists died between and , though only a few of their deaths can be attributed directly to the Nazi regime e. The overwhelming majority of those lost between and e. Only about half of the seventy-five prominent prewar personalities thought to have lived in exile during the Third Reich returned to Germany in the first year after the war.

Its purpose was to coordinate and support collective actions among its member groups. It certainly bears greater resemblance to the initial meetings of like-minded organizations, such as the Internationale der Kriegsdienstgegner. The 80 year-old former-general-turned-pacifist Paul Freiherr von Schoenaich emphasized how the German people had to change its convictions. The interest and momentum generated at this particular meeting led to the founding of a DFG regional affiliate in Schleswig-Holstein.

With the exception of Schoenaich, a West Prussian nobleman and decorated general turned liberal-democrat Deutsche Demokratische Partei , the DFG leadership was socially middle-class and politically radical. Specifically, they spoke of the need to rid the nation of aggressive impulses characterized by a belief in power and a national appointment to dominate other peoples.

Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland, eds. Bundestag am To complement denazification, the DFG sought to establish a German society predicated upon recognition of the dignity common to all peoples. Wolfram Wette Bremen: Donat, , Brill — Fritz Wenzel. Friedenskonzeptionen in Westdeutschland , eds. They called for a break from social assumptions that prioritized the status of the German nation over the fates of individual citizens. Instead, pacifists envisioned a German nation that rejected the use of force against other nations and which, as a member of the world community of nations, settled disputes through nonviolent means codified in international law.

Given the participation of local politicians from across the political spectrum in immediate postwar events, such as during the above-referenced DFG rally in Kiel,42 pacifist hopes for a nonpartisan national front against militarism appear less eccentric than scholars have suggested. This remained so after World War II. Despite their campaign against nationalist militarism, pacifists took for granted the continued existence of distinct, unified nations and nation-states. National unity became a more pressing issue as the Cold War intensified and DFG leaders recognized the potential danger to the nation and Europe of two separate, armed German states.

They simultaneously promoted national unity and a sense of world citizenship, and looked forward to a future world state. By , due in large measure to concerns over European political stability and fears of Soviet hegemony in Europe, U. The Cold War, pacifists argued, stemmed from the interests of national political elites. Consequently, pacifists decried the militarist interests of U.

These steps would stand consolidate relationships through a clean differentiation, becomes inversely a concern as a factor that maintains and intensifies [global] tensions. If the nations still have a future as communal forms of humankind, it is not as nation-states but, rather, as cultural nations. They did not argue for German neutrality in and of itself, but rather for a European political entity. And if the peoples of Europe are convinced that the spirit of real peace is at work alongside the spirit of social renewal, then [we will receive] an ever-strengthening current of help in solidarity [with us] from beyond [our] borders.

Rearmament was the lynchpin of his politics of state consolidation and western integration. He firmly believed that West Germany required military force sufficient, first, to make any invasion a risk for the Soviet aggressor and, second, to ensure that the western Allies could not bargain away West German territory for their own strategic ends. David Clay Large puts it succinctly: Adenauer traded West German military contributions to a western alliance in return for greater autonomy in matters of state, political rehabilitation, and full membership in the western community of states.

It was the outbreak of hostilities in Korea that gave him his real chance to seek both a larger Allied presence in West Germany and Allied acquiescence to future West German troops. Seizing the moment in August , Adenauer requested a formal commitment from the U. In retrospect, however, it is clear that the wheels were set in motion. Despite having reaffirmed their commitment to maintain a demilitarized federal German territory, the western Allies and the U. State Department in particular had resigned themselves to German rearmament.

While the EDC would ultimately fail on French parliamentary objections, it offered the pretext for West German military planning over the next four years. According to Kurt Sontheimer, no topic preoccupied the German public so intensely between and as rearmament. This rose to It was not German participation in European security arrangements that the public opposed; only their own, personal contributions thereto.

Second, the idea of a movement suggests a degree of unity in motives and objectives that belies multiple, at times overlapping, at times diverging objectives among the opponents of rearmament. Communists, nationalists, neutralists, pacifists, Protestants, and Social Democrats, among others, organized and participated in protests. The divergent agendas and fear of Soviet appropriation felt in all of these arenas support Karl A. The most remarkable case of individual dissent within the DFG indicates that not all pacifists even opposed West German rearmament. Among those who firmly opposed rearmament there arose serious disagreements over how best to respond to government proposals.

To take one example from within the DFG circa While Harald Abatz felt an urgent need for any and all types of protest against rearmament, August Bangel rejected direct confrontation against the Adenauer regime, preferring instead a policy of working to affect policy as a public advocate from within the halls of governance by advising members of parliament. Appelius, Pazifismus in Westdeutschland, This was not the interwar DFG.

Early postwar deaths e. Kudrnofsky, Siemsen, Herman Julius Stocky had taken their toll on both the national and regional leadership, and those who remained active found it difficult to work together. He had taken up a leadership position in the DFG despite his doubts. By , the association counted less than three thousand card carrying members. Harald Abatz described the EDC as a catalyst for, rather than a deterrent to, war.

This vote may have represented less support for rearmament than approval for policies of western integration that kept the Allied powers committed to the defense of the Federal Republic. Otto asserts that public support for rearmament during the years and spoke to a lack of viable alternatives to the politics of East-West confrontation. There were forces within the ruling coalition that, he believed, sought to use their success at the polls to push through cultural reforms in line with Catholic religious doctrine.

The focus, however, was not on foreign or racial policy, but rather on political practice. The danger [here] is that … all organizations that do not pledge loyalty to the government will be handled as Communist subversives [and that] a single- party state will once again [be established]. For further discussion of the alternate masculinities proffered by pacifists, see chapter five.

One does not want collectivism, [and] individualism is outdated; to avoid any reorientation, one blocks his ears and hopes for help from the USA. Abatz expressed some sympathy for public acquiescence under these conditions. He suggested that the fear of Soviet politics forced people to unreservedly fall in line with the politics of the West. Max Stierwald explained how democracy had been thrust upon the German people after World War I before they were prepared for the responsibility. The people, who should actually be sovereign, are degraded to a babbling herd Stimmvieh through unscrupulous propaganda … Democracy requires men with political responsibility … In ancient Greece, politically active men were called zoon politikon.

Men without political opinion were regarded as private people, as Idiotes. The Idiotes today has been given the right to vote, but [they] forgot to make a zoon politikon out of him. The concept of differential historical time is helpful here. To the extent that pacifist ideas may have resonated with West Germans, say in their calls for closer ties to Europe, their ideas shared too much in common with political opponents like Adenauer. The fear of Soviet-sponsored subversion drove West German political leaders to police the ranks of policy-oriented associations.

More than that, they questioned the loyalties of state critics by accusing them of communist sympathies. Organizations like the DFG had to negotiate the Scylla and Charybdis of communist peace activism and a state apparatus suspicious of non-aligned political activists. Whereas the previous section of this chapter demonstrated how the Cold War and domestic political trends challenged a language of peace advocacy predicated upon the dangers of domestic militarism, this section looks at how pacifists negotiated the new ideological landscape of the Cold War and what impact the encounters with communism and anticommunism had on the constellation of values they sought to assert against the threat of militarism.

West German anticommunism was a complex political and cultural phenomenon that ebbed and flowed in public dialogue from the late s to the mids. It was given form primarily though by no means exclusively by West German politicians who tied the problem of communist aggression to the political stability of the young Federal Republic. Pacifists justified this stance by noting the arbitrary use of force in Soviet governance. The desire to combat communism domestically did not extend into an international platform against engagement.

Prominent pacifists, such as Heinz Kraschutzki, sought out eastern partners for dialogue. As Appelius, Pazifismus in Westdeutschland, Instead, they established small, single-issue advocacy organizations without clear party affiliations. A series of event- and subject-specific peace organizations emerged with no apparent connection to the KPD or the East German Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschland SED , or to each other, all opposing remilitarization and promoting German unification.

With their well-developed methods and machinery for propaganda, these groups began to occupy public terrain that organized pacifists considered their own. Die Jahre Berlin: Elefanten Press, , However, it was only after World War II that the issue of peace became central to the Soviet platform. Die westdeutsche Gesellschaft der 50er Jahre, eds. Ministry officials went so far as to ask DFG leaders to account for the actions of members who attended suspect rallies independently and without the consent of the organization.

For instance, when the North Bavarian regional affiliate proposed a march on Bonn in to protest plans for rearmament, Bangel rejected the idea on grounds of possible infiltration. While granting that the national organization acted in accordance with its professed political nonpartisanship, Thedieck expressed concern over the behavior of local affiliates and individual members. DFG leaders expressed particular concern over their Bavarian affiliates. Groups in Munich, Nuremberg, and Bayreuth were believed to be channels for Communist infiltration.

Worried that these groups might become staging grounds for Soviet agitation, national leaders considered stripping them of their DFG affiliations. The idea for a referendum, through which the German populace itself could way in directly on government plans, came from the ADF. It was picked up by the politically-suspect Westdeutsches Friedenskomitee, after which leading pacifists distanced themselves from the idea for fear of guilt by association with a possible Tarnorganisation.

Others were blunter in their evaluations. He suggested that the organization had drifted from its broad, nonpartisan foundations. This did not mean avoiding politically-aligned peace activists. In the spirit of Weimar-era peace advocacy, it meant making alliances irrespective thereof. Clearly, the effort to maintain a nonaligned position in West German public life had taken a toll on the DFG. He offered the prospect of a strong, direct voice on behalf of pacifists in parliamentary debate. He rejected violence and war in the name of the Holy Scriptures and the authority of Jesus Christ and His followers.

It stood as the foundation of Christian acts as well and as a litmus test for obedience to state authority. Audio cassette. Wenzel dissented from the prospect of turning this action into a mass movement. As time went on, Wenzel proved difficult to contact. In short, he is a good preacher.