Alcazar narrates in his memories that he usually visited the places that were bombed in London and gave information to the Germans for future attacks, and organized anti-Francoist guerrillas in order to send them to Spain. The Spanish embassy in London did not have good security measures, so most of the information was intercepted by the MI5 , the British Security Service.
He is profoundly anti-semitic and thinks that the allies and the Soviet Union form part of an international Jewish conspiracy. In , he traveled to Germany and worked again for the SS and helped them purge the Abwehr, association which had been broken up due to the Solf case Solf Kreis in February of the same year.
Florentino Rodao - ODT Personal data sheet
He narrates in his memories that he stayed at the Chancellery bunker until 24 April After that, he was able to escape to Switzerland and was repatriated to Spain. After his arrival in Spain, he kept working for the Third Reich helping them escape from Germany. Most were national socialist leaders the most famous one being Martin Bormann. Japan desperately needed information on the allies ; Japanese and German espionage networks in the United States were being dismantled and Japan needed agents to keep them informed, especially in the United States.
This need is what brought Spain into the picture since it had some hard to find qualities, such a close relationship with Latin America. They also took advantage of his espionage network in London that led to the future creation of another in the United States. But it is important to emphasise that the quality was not as good as the quantity. However, the Japanese didn't seem to notice and even if they did, they preferred to keep receiving information, information that the Americans already knew were being sent out.
As was disclosed in the "Magic Summaries", the info the Japanese had was always easily decoded by the USA since the beginning — this was thanks to the acquisition of the codes. This, however, has always been the object of debate, as some authors are convinced that it was just an invention.
El Imperio Japones
Others, on the other hand, believed that the existence of these agents could be true. The Japanese, alarmed by this turn of events, checked this information asking some of the participants such as Ribbentrop. These participants denied any meeting of the sort. Strangely enough, even after this incident, Japan continued to buy information from Spain.
It is believed that this was due to their extreme need for information on the enemy and, due to a shortage of resources, their inability to acquire it. Other new and suggestive perspectives relating to Spanish policy with other more distant horizons, will be commented on in the following section The periodization presented by Tusell supports the rhythms he proposed in , and can be discussed in the light of the analysis of the documentation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Drawing his conclusions, Tusell, at times, forces his sources too much in order to propose, from the first moment, his principal thesis, which he has defended, on occasions, in an excessively dogmatic way, in clear contrast with his previ- ous monograph on the topic. Be that as it may, the importance of the study, which was born in a fertile area for aggressive approaches, means that the work continues to be the principal referent of Spanish historiography on the period The state of the question, based on the references described above, has not suffered substantial modifications up to the present moment.
The certain impulse shown by Spanish historiography up the mids has not had, probably, all the necessary de- velopment in later years, until The book makes clear, in the historiographical line defined by Tusell, the Spanish military pacification to join the Axis until , the German activities of espionage and sabo- tage carried out with the knowledge of the Spanish government until ,49 as well as the Spanish collaboration with the Gestapo.
In the same line, though probably less novel for the documentary evidence produced, the year saw the publication of two works similar in their aims and titles, though not in their results. This second work, due to the limitation of the archives consulted, is merely an approach, journalistic in tone, to Anglo-Spanish relations during the conflict. Though at the end of this chapter we will dedicate a few lines to gathering some main conclusions, we may say, as a provisional evaluation, that beyond the publication of monographs and articles in the s and s, and the concern for research of which they are evidence, the recent past, aside from some exceptions, has been characterized as a tunnel of a certain sterility.
Beyond the logical explanation that, with the exception of the United States and Japan, the core combatants were nations from this context, we have to consider, in order to evaluate correctly this euro- centrism, the logistic difficulties inherent in accomplishing a documentary search in more distant areas, such as the American continent or the region of the Pacific. As these research- ers belong to the second generation of historians of the democracy, who defended their theses during the s and s, we must emphasize that, very possibly due to the circumstances described at the close of the previous section, their works have not yet benefited by being continued by new generations of young researchers.
This tendency received the not-so-discreet support of the Nazi leaders, who saw in it a means of clandestinely meddling in American affairs… Spanish Foreign Policy during the Second War. Thus, for Delgado, this was a policy frustrated from the beginning. From the end of , several Latin-American governments prohibited subsidiaries of the Nazi Party and of the Falange in their countries, so that the work of the Consejo de la Hispanidad soon became limited to the cultural sphere.
In any case, Delgado emphasizes that the American link was an essential axis of Spanish policy — one of few that they were able to put into action — up to the end of international isolation, in In the aforementioned work, Delgado affirmed that his conclusions were at the level of hypotheses; the CSIC researcher would present his thesis in a more complete form in The work takes as its graphic title Imperio de papel.
For the author, the dictatorship underestimated the depth of antipathy towards the new regime generated during the Civil War, as well as the permanent reminder that Republican exiles constituted in the case of Mexico especially , and the overwhelming influence of the United States, with which it was futile to compete. The paternalism and, at times, disdain that ap- pear in the judgments of the diplomats conceal their resistance to recognizing the adulthood of the Latin American states and, therefore, the independence of their actions.
Such a word had certain imperialistic connotations that spoke much of the more or less unconscious aspirations which they had never renounced … Quijada affirms the existence of a Madrid-Buenos Aires Axis, which appears as an exception to the trends pointed to by Delgado and Pardo. In any case, the author minimizes, in contrast with the exaggeration of these realities after the War, any real damage towards the Allies, finding negative effects rather for the axis countries. Finally, we must return to Rosa Pardo who has analysed the relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with the colonies of pro-Republican exiles in America Pardo em- phasizes the absence of a conciliatory policy unsurprisingly on the part of the Franco administration, once the Civil War was over, and which continued, in a more radical way, until The article brings us close to the rise and fall of the Foreign Falange as the agency responsible for the organization and vigilance of Spanish communities in Latin America, giving special attention to the case of Mexico and analysing the repres- sive measures that were proposed for the Republicans in America While, as we have seen, the American environment has deserved marginally the at- tention of the investigators in the context that we are analysing, we cannot say the same of Pacific region, that is, fundamentally, Japan, China, Thailand and the Philippines.
Practically only a single researcher, Florentino Rodao, has recently given attention to an area that, in the light of the documentation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and of the fundamental importance of the country in question in the War, is far from sec- ondary. On the other hand, Rodao studies the Spanish carrying out of Japanese interests in the United States after the assault on Pearl Harbour, the moment at which the increas- ing Japanese presence in the Pacific Ocean began to cause division and alarm among the Spanish leaders, which would materialize in the claim of independence based on Christianity for the Philippines by Spain This was a cynical diplomatic formulation used by Franco and his minister from which differentiated between the war of the Allies with Germany, of the latter with the Soviet Union and of the Pacific region with Japan.
With this divi- sion Franco and the regime affirmed their increasing antipathy towards the Japanese cause.
- Florentino Rodao - ODT Personal data sheet.
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Rodao tells how the really astonishing idea of sending a new version of the Blue Division to fight alongside General MacArthur arose among the Falangist ranks First, the author analyses the relations of Spain with the puppet state of Machukuo, which demonstrate the limitations of Spanish foreign action, inherent in the diplomatic and economic weakness generated by the Civil War.
Thus, though these relations were established in , with Machukuo opening a delegation in Madrid, it would not be until that Spain designated an ambassador in return, having to resort to an uncontrollable diplomat located in Peking. Be that as it may, once the am- bassador was named, he never remained in a permanent way in the precarious legation, a building whose temperature ranged between 7 and 10 degrees. The absence of a Span- ish colony or of missions with Spanish priests in the area created the perception that, with grave limitations, the representation in Machukuo was merely trying to present a good image to the Axis Rodao revisits the origins of the Chinese crisis and its derivation in the clash between the communists and the na- tionalists of the Guomingdang, complicated by the war with Japan from The effort to re-establish relations with China, on this convulsed stage, was led by the diplomat Pedro de Igual, but Spain did not start out from a posi- tion of even vaguely accurate knowledge of the general situation of the country, which would have allowed it to act appropriately.
This situation was aggravated by the absence of the right of extraterritoriality the legal authority to exercise consular jurisdiction over citizens. The fortune of both sides in their struggle, together with the compulsory Spanish commitment to the dip- lomatic action of the countries of the Axis, especially Italy that pressed Spain to return to the line favourable to Wang, facing with any lukewarm Spanish attempt to develop its own policy , led to the formal recognition of the latter by Spain in July In any case, this does not imply a significant advance in the solution of the principal concerns of Spain in China, principally extraterritoriality Spain had not renounced the unequal agreements of the western powers with the Asian country, since this renunciation took place in , in the midst of the Civil War.
The regime showed an interest in the Thai case after a letter from the Gabrielist Brothers addressed personally to General Franco invited him, based on Thai-Japanese friendship, to des- ignate the Spanish minister in Tokyo as permanent representative in Bangkok. Opti- mism about the perspectives of the diplomatic relations with Thailand in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs ended when Bangkok requested prior renunciation of the unequal agreements. From , the march of the War definitively paralysed the Thai project.
Finally, we must emphasize that, beyond the time-frame we are analyzing, the Korean War gave Spain a chance to boost its stock with the United States. Then, Spain signed, in haste, a treaty, opening an embassy in , with the mission to promote friendship with the American ally. Finally, the Philippine question. This case took on a special relevance, since even at the time of the Second World War, the memory of the loss of the archipelago, together with that of Cuba in , was still very present in Spain.
Rodao analyses, with the same methodology used in the Japanese case, the evolution of the mentalities of the Spanish community in the Philippines and in the former colonizing power, and the desire to strengthen the bonds of union between the two, after the Civil War tinged this with an inevitable and increasing anti-Americanism, that grew with the march of the German victories.
A Historiographical Overview 63 tioned, with increasing distrust, its role was accepted as a lever to provoke the exit of the United States from the islands. The Falange, from this perspective, was an instrument in the service of the interests of the Axis and of the future role of imperial Spain, still vague, in what came to be considered the possibility of a new wave of Hispanicization of the region, thanks to the Japanese advance This positive perception ended, as we have seen, around , the change being sharpened following the acceleration of the Japanese advance through the Pacific.
The letter generated great tension in the relations between Spain and the United States, which instrumen- talized the crisis to increase pressure on Spain, demanding the cessation of German activities in Tangier and the suspension of tungsten shipments to the Reich, just after the Spanish return to neutrality.
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Only the firm attitude of Jordana who threatened the allied ambassadors with his resignation managed to smooth over the initial grave moments of tension The scorn of Franco and other Spaniards towards Japan was no secret, as we have already seen, but Washington was not benefiting especially from it …. Therefore it was normal that Washington should seek to shift this distaste of Madrid for Tokyo to a matter of much greater magnitude, relations with Berlin.
On October 23rd, the chief of intelligence of Foreign Affairs, the Marquess of Rialp, in a conversation with the Japanese ambassador, Suma, admitted that the exchange of telegrams implied formal recognition of Laurel, though he requested prudence by the Japanese in dealing with the matter, implicitly recognizing the fragile position of the Spanish government. The communication of this information by Suma to his govern- ment was intercepted by the United States who thus obtained, according to Rodao, benefit from its increasing technological superiority, by being able to judge accurately the effect of its pressure on Spain Many of these critical points still con- stitute today the elements on which, in the future, it will be necessary to act in order to advance knowledge of the period on which this chapter is focussed.
The circumstances with whose description we closed the second section of this analysis mean that we are now at a crossroads for the historiography on the period.
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The great mass of documenta- tion, some unpublished, preserved in the Spanish archives; the methodological innova- tions that new generations must define; the possibilities generated by interdisciplinary contact; as well as the perception that the increasing perspective with regard to the subject considered must encourage a diversification of approaches beyond a completely sterilizing over-simplification, and must urge the investigators to advance in the resolu- tion of remaining uncertainties on the period, paying attention to the multitude of new perspectives and regional studies from whose results we can and should expect a great deal I hope that this chapter helps, at least, to identify some of them.
Esto es lo suficientemente obvio cuando los gobiernos son alterados bajo las condiciones constitucionales Pienso en esas estrellas que uno ve en lo alto a la noche, esos vastos mundos que nunca podamos alcanzar. Me pone triste verlos tan claros y sin embargo tan lejos. Cecil Rhodes. El crecimiento de a fue superior al 1.
Inglaterra ya no gestionaba las relaciones con territorios africanos bajo el Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores sino bajo el Ministerio de Colonias. Es acertadamente el padre del mercado de bonos Los imperios y los procesos coloniales durante la era de a , se gestaron por el agotamiento de dos equilibrios.
Kindleberger p. Ediciones Akal. New York: Basic Books. A financial history of the world.